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THE  GREAT  DESIGN 

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THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

FROM  THE   MEMOIRS  OF  THE 
DUKE  OF  SULLY 

AND 

THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  EUROPE 

BY  EDWARD  EVERETT  HALE 


WITH   INTRODUCTION 

BY 

EDWIN   D.  MEAD 


PUBLISHED  FOR  THE  INTERNATIONAL  SCHOOL  OF  PEACE 

GINN  AND  COMPANY,  BOSTON 

1909 


2. 


HlSTOUfT 


Copyright,  1909,  by 
The  International  School  of  Peace 


ALL   RIGHTS   RESERVED 


G1NN  AND  COMPANY  •  PRO- 
PRIETORS •  BOSTON  •  U.S.A. 


TO  THE  MEMORY  OF 

EDWARD  EVERETT  HALE 

THIS  EDITION  OF 

"THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

WHICH  HE   MOST  CONSPICUOUSLY 

AND  EARNESTLY  COMMENDED 

TO  THE  ATTENTION 

OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

IS  DEDICATED 


305383 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Introduction,  by  Edwin  D.  Mead vii 

The  Great  Design  of  Henry  IV i 

Passages  Illustrating  the  History  of  the  Great  De- 
sign      54 

The   United    States   of   Europe,    by  Edward  Everett 
Hale 77 


INTRODUCTION 

The  Great  Design  "  of  Henry  IV  of  France  was  the 
first  practical  plan  of  a  comprehensive  character  in  modern 
history  for  the  federation  of  Europe.  Europe  in  1600  was 
the  civilized  world  ;  and  this  was  the  great  inaugural  vision 
in  a  series  of  visions,  which,  thus  beginning,  rapidly  grew, 
of  an  organized  and  peaceful  world.  Dante  in  his  Monar- 
chia  had  made  his  fervent  plea  for  a  revived  and  idealized 
Roman  Empire,  as  the  ground  and  guarantee  of  European 
unity  ;  but  the  three  centuries  between  Dante  and  Henry 
of  Navarre  had  made  it  plain  that  the  reconstruction  of 
the  Roman  Empire  would  never  come,  and  that  the  unity 
of  which  the  great  poet -patriot  dreamed  could  only  come 
through  the  federation  of  independent  states. 

A  forgotten  and  almost  unknown  plan  for  organizing 
the  European  powers  for  the  sake  of  peace  deserves  here 
at  least  passing  notice  ;  for  it  antedated  by  almost  a  cen- 
tury the  design  of  the  great  French  king,  and  by  much 
more  than  a  century  the  publication  of  his  design.  We 
get  the  knowledge  of  it  from  Erasmus,  who  was  the  great- 
est apostle  of  peace  in  his  time.1  There  is  an  old  letter 
from  Erasmus  to  a  friend,  written  probably  about  1 5 1 7,  or 
having  reference  to  that  period,  alluding  to  an  effort  at 
that  time  in  behalf  of  the  peace  of  Europe,  which  is  so 

1  For  more  complete  notice  of  this  significant  historical  incident, 
see  article  by  the  present  writer  on  "  An  Early  Scheme  to  organize 
the  World,"  in  the  Independent,  August  29,  1907. 

vii 


J 


viii  THE  GREAT  DESIGN   OF  HENRY  IV 

comprehensive  and  definite  in  its  character  that  it  may 
almost  be  considered  a  "  Great  Design  "  previous  to  the 
famous  scheme  of  Henry  IV.  Erasmus  says  in  this  letter  : 

It  was  a  favorite  project  about  that  time  to  assemble  a  Congress 
of  kings  at  Cambray.  It  was  to  consist  of  Maximilian  the  Emperor, 
Francis  the  First,  King  of  France,  Henry  the  Eighth  of  England, 
and  Charles,  the  sovereign  of  the  Low  Countries,  of  which  I  am  a 
native.  They  were  to  enter,  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  into  mutual 
and  indissoluble  engagements  to  preserve  peace  with  each  other,  and 
consequently  peace  throughout  Europe.  This  momentous  business 
was  very  much  promoted  by  a  man  of.  most  excellent  character, 
William  of  Ciervia ;  and  by  one  who  seemed  to  have  been  born  to 
advance  the  happiness  of  his  country  and  of  human  nature,  John 
Sylvagius,  chancellor  of  Burgundy.  But  certain  persons  who  get 
nothing  by  peace  and  a  great  deal  by  war  threw  obstacles  in  the  way, 
which  prevented  this  truly  kingly  purpose  from  being  carried  into 
execution.  After  this  great  disappointment  I  sat  down  and  wrote, 
by  desire  of  John  Sylvagius,  my  Querela  Pacis. 

The  Complaint  of  Peace,  although  the  most  important 
essay  by  Erasmus  in  behalf  of  international  justice  and 
peace,  was  not  his  only  nor  his  first  impeachment  of  the 
war  system.  He  discussed  the  same  subject  in  his  pane- 
gyric to  Philip,  Duke  of  Burgundy,  at  Brussels,  in  1504, 
and  repeatedly  afterwards.  It  is  a  thing  to  be  remembered 
that  it  was  from  the  same  land  in  which,  at  The  Hague, 
the  Parliament  of  Man  was  in  our  own  time  to  hold  its 
first  memorable  sessions  for  the  definite  inauguration  of 
the  organization  of  the  world,  that  the  first  conspicuous 
and  well-considered  plea  came  for  the  supplanting  of  the 
war  system  of  nations  by  the  methods  of  reason. 

The  world's  great  plans  for  order  and  peace  have  been 
born  often  of  the  severe  experience  of  disorder  and  war 
and  the  burden  of  the  loss  and  cost  of  war.     Dante's 


INTRODUCTION  ix 

Monarchia  was  prompted  by  the  anarchy  rife  everywhere  in 
Italy  in  the  thirteenth  century.  The  time  of  Erasmus  was 
the  time  when  the  great  centralized  monarchies  were  rising 
upon  the  ruins  of  the  feudal  states,  and  the  standing  army, 
a  thing  then  new  in  history,  was  making  its  appearance  as 
a  regular  institution.  Grotius's  Rights  of  War  and  Peace 
was  published  in  the  midst  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War.  "The 
continued  danger  which  lies  in  the  heaping  up  of  war 
material  transforms  the  armed  peace  of  our  time  into  a 
crushing  burden  which  peoples  find  it  harder  and  harder 
to  bear,"  —  to  avert  "the  calamities  which  threaten  the 
whole  world  "  from  this  was  the  necessity  which  drove 
the  Czar  of  Russia  to  call  the  first  Peace  Conference  at 
The  Hague.  The  very  name  of  Henry  of  Navarre  sug- 
gests the  long  civil  conflict  between  the  Catholics  and  the 
Huguenots  in  France  ;  and  the  chapters  of  the  history  of 
Spain,  Austria,  the  Netherlands,  and  England  which  were 
coincident  with  his  stormy  career  were  chapters  no  less 
tragical,  and  often  yet  more  tragical,  than  those  of  the 
history  of  France.  If  ever  there  was  a  time  to  prompt 
rulers  and  statesmen  to  great  designs  for  checking  the 
war  system,  it  was  this  time. 

Henry  was  born  in  1553,  the  year  that  Mary  Stuart  It 
became  queen  of  England,  three  years  before  Charles  V 
abdicated  in  favor  of  Philip  II,  and  when  William  the 
Silent  was  just  entering  public  life.  He  succeeded  to  the 
throne  of  France  in  1589,  the  year  after  the  destruction 
of  the  Invincible  Armada,  and  five  years  after  the  assassi- 
nation of  William  of  Orange  ;  he  fought  the  battle  of  Ivry: 
in  1590,  and  promulgated  the  Edict  of  Nantes  in  1598. 
His  illustrious  reign  —  for  greatest  of  all  the  kings  of 
France  Henry  surely  was  —  and  his  life  were  ended  by 


x  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

the  hand  of  the  assassin  in  1610,  seven  years  after  the 
death  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  Such  is  the  barest  chronology 
of  the  life  of  the  author  of  the  "  Great  Design  ";  but  it  is 
sufficient  to  recall  to  the  reader  with  knowledge  and  im- 
agination the  character  of  the  period  in  which  he  worked 
and  thought. 

Henry's  great  minister  was  the  Duke  of  Sully.  Sully 
played  a  part  in  the  reign  of  the  French  king  hardly  in- 
ferior to  that  played  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  —  who,  if 
we  may  believe  Sully,  is  to  be  looked  on  as  joint jiuthor 
^  with ^Henryjrfjhe  M Great  Design' '  itself  —  by  Cecil,  Lord 
Burleigh.  Unlike  Burleigh,  he  wrote  voluminous  memoirs ; 
and  it  is  in  these  Memoirs  of  Sully  that  we  are  given  the 
account  of  the  M  Great  Design."  The  Memoirs  cover  the 
whole  reign,  and  indeed  almost  the  whole  life,  of  the  great 
king.  Henry  was  on  his  way  to  visit  Sully  when  he  was 
assassinated.  Sully  lived  until  164 1.  He  began  to  dictate 
his  Memoirs  to  his  secretaries  shortly  after  Henry's  death, 
these  Memoirs  being  based  largely  upon  journals  and  notes 
which  he  had  been  preparing  for  many  years.  Only  the 
first  two  volumes,  covering  the  years  1570  to  1605,  were 
completed  in  his  lifetime,  being  printed  in  1634.  The  un- 
finished portion  was  transcribed  by  his  secretaries,  and  the 
third  and  fourth  volumes  were  published  at  Paris  in  1662, 
more  than  twenty  years  after  Sully's  death.  It  is  at  the 
%/l%»«(end  of  the  last  volume  that  the  special  chapter  devoted  to 
the  M  Great  Design  "  appears,  although  many  references 
to  it  are  scattered  through  preceding  pages,  and  the  two 
long  passages  reprinted  in  the  present  volume  after  the 
"  Great  Design  "  itself  are  of  special  significance. 

The  authenticity  of  the  M  Great  Design  "  as  the  work  of 
Henry  himself  has  been  the  subject  of  long  and  heated 


INTRODUCTION  xi 

controversy,  a  controversy  that  still  goes  on.  Many  have 
charged  Sully  not  only  with  casting  the  "Great  Design  " 
in  the  shape  in  which  we  have  it,  but  with  its  sheer  fabri- 
cation, for  some  purpose  of  his  own.  To  me  no  adequate 
motive  for  this  appears  ;  and  the  respective  qualities  of 
the  minds  of  Henry  and  Sully  make  the  conception  of 
the  scheme  the  more  natural  for  Henry,  while  the  consid- 
erable elaboration  of  it  in  some  respects  by  Sully  —  who, 
in  the  interview  with  James  I,  which  he  reports,  professed 
to  have  a  leading  part  in  developing  it  —  as  he  came  to 
put  it  into  literary  form  seems  not  unlikely.  The  settle- 
ment of  this  vexed  question  does  not  concern  us  here. 
Whether  Shakespeare  or  Bacon  wrote  Hamlet,  our  chief 
interest  is  in  the  possession  of  Hamlet.  Whether  the  king 
or  his  minister  conceived  the  "  Great  Design,"  our  chief 
interest  is  in  the  fact  that  this  broad  and  bold  programme 
of  world  organization  was  worked  out  in  that  critical  period 
of  history.  The  controversy,  however,  has  been  so  notable 
and  began  so  early  that  I  incorporate  here,  as  of  probable 
interest  to  many,  the  note  relating  to  the  matter  appended 
by  the  Abbe  del' Ecluse  to  the  chapter  upon  the  "  Great 
Design  "  in  his  edition  of  Sully's  Memoirs,  published  in 
1747: 

The  Memoirs  of  Sully  are  the  only  monument  which  has  preserved 
to  posterity  an  account  of  the  great  design  of  Henry  IV.  We  find 
no  traces  of  it  in  any  of  the  historians,  authors  of  memoirs,  or  other 
writers,  who  were  contemporary  with  that  prince ;  their  silence  in 
this  matter  proceeded,  no  doubt,  from  their  not  knowing  enough  of 
it  to  say  anything  with  certainty  about  it.  The  world  did  not  begin 
to  descant  upon  it  till  the  "  Memoirs  of  Sully,"  wherein  it  is  so  clearly 
described,  were  published  ;  and  among  all  those  who  have  considered 
it  ever  since  about  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century,  I  find 
scarcely  any  who  have  questioned  the  possibility  of  executing  it : 


Xii  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

doubtless,  because  they  lived  near  enough  to  the  times  in  which  it 
was  formed  to  be  convinced,  even  from  the  mouths  of  those  who 
had  been  witnesses  of  the  preparations  and  dispositions  which  were 
made,  that  all  the  measures  had  been  taken  precisely  in  the  same 
manner  as  related  by  the  Duke  of  Sully ;  and  consequently,  that  it 
would  have  had  but  few  of  those  obstacles  to  encounter  which  have 
since  been  raised  against  it.  The  author  of  a  manuscript  discourse 
in  the  King's  Library,  which  to  me  appears  to  be  the  most  ancient 
memoir  we  have  of  that  time,  seems  not  in  the  least  to  have  doubted 
of  success  in  its  execution.  And  M.  de  Perefixe,  who,  in  the  third 
part  of  his  history  of  Henry  the  Great,  has  given  a  short  but  very 
accurate  account  of  the  scheme,  says  positively  that  it  would  have 
succeeded ;  and  further  confirms  his  assertion  by  proofs,  which  he 
gives  (p.  388  and  following).  The  continuator  of  Thuanus,  in  what 
little  he  has  said  of  it  (anno  1609-10),  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
of  a  different  sentiment.  The  Marshal  de  Bassompierre  also,  in  his 
Journal  (torn,  i.),  seems  to  be  in  its  favour.  To  these  authorities  we 
may  also  join  that  of  the  author  of  the  Life  of  the  Duke  of  Epernon, 
and  some  others,  who  all  seem  to  be  of  the  same  opinion.  Indeed, 
until  the  beginning  of  the  present  century,  all  authors  appear  to 
have  been  unanimous  on  this  point ;  and  several  of  our  modern  his- 
torians have  joined  them  herein.  Vittorio  Siri  (Mem.  Recond.  torn, 
i.  pp.  29,  514;  torn.  ii.  p.  45,  &c.)  is  the  first  that  I  know  of  by 
whom  this  great  enterprise  has  been  treated  as  absurd  and  impossi- 
ble ;  but  the  ignorance  which  he  shows  in  the  whole  affair,  even  in 
those  points  which  are  the  least  contested,  his  attachment  to  the 
Spanish  politics,  and  his  distance  from  the  persons  of  Henry  IV. 
and  his  minister,  which  is  every  way  apparent  in  all  he  says  on  the 
subject,  render  him,  in  this  respect,  very  justly  exceptionable ;  his 
sentiments  have  been  adopted  by  the  author  of  the  History  of  the 
Mother  and  Son  (torn.  i.  p.  44),  and  for  a  similar  reason  of  attach- 
ment to  the  queen,  mother  of  Louis  XIII.  But  this  writer,  such  as 
he  is,  producing  no  better  authority  for  his  opinion  than  the  age  of 
Henry  IV.,  who  was  then  near  sixty,  appears  also  to  have  been  so 
entirely  unacquainted  with  the  affair,  that  we  may,  without  scruple, 
pronounce  he  was  ignorant  of  the  disposition  which  had  been  made 
for  the  complete  execution  of  it  within  the  space  of  three  years,  and 
that  he  condemns  the  design  without  understanding  it.    I  have  much 


INTRODUCTION  xiii 

greater  reverence  for  the  authority  of  some  modern  politicians,  who 
consider  it  as  a  kind  of  impossibility  thus  to  change  the  face  of  all 
Europe  in  the  manner  proposed  by  Henry  IV.,  and  who  imagine 
that  in  our  days  a  much  more  happy  expedient  has  been  discovered 
whereby  to  obtain  the  equilibrium  of  Europe,  than  by  reviving  the 
ancient  council  of  the  Amphyctions ;  what  I  mean  is  the  precaution 
now  observed  of  having  all  the  principal  powers  of  Europe  accede 
to,  and  become  the  guarantees  of,  every  particular  treaty.  But  all 
those  calamities  which  we  have  suffered  in  consequence  of  war  do 
but  too  plainly  evince  its  insufficiency.  In  regard  to  the  main  stress 
of  the  question,  I  agree  with  them  that  Europe  could  not  now,  but 
with  great  difficulty,  be  constituted  in  the  manner  proposed  by 
Henry  the  Great;  nevertheless  I  believe,  without  pretending  to 
subject  any  one  to  my  opinion,  that  those  who  treat  this  prince's 
design  as  a  chimera  do  not  pay  all  the  necessary  attention  to  the 
circumstances  of  those  times,  wherein  Europe,  from  her  frequent 
dangers  of  being  subjected  to  the  house  of  Austria,  and  by  the 
bloody  wars  which  a  difference  of  religion  had  excited,  and  continued 
daily  to  excite,  found  herself  in  a  manner  compelled  to  have  recourse 
to  extraordinary  means  to  put  a  period  to  her  miseries.  I  cannot 
finish  this  remark  better  than  in  the  words  of  M.  l'Abbe  de  Saint- 
Pierre,  in  his  Discours  sur  le  Grand  Homme :  N  From  hence  we 
may  perceive,  that  if  Henry  IV.,  King  of  France,  had  executed  his 
celebrated  and  well-projected  design,  whereby  to  render  peace  per- 
petual and  universal  among  the  sovereigns  of  Europe,  he  would 
have  procured  the  greatest  possible  benefit,  not  only  to  his  own  sub- 
jects, but  to  all  the  Christian  kingdoms,  and  even,  by  a  necessary 
consequence,  to  the  world  in  general ;  a  benefit  of  which  all  genera- 
tions, present  and  to  come,  would  have  participated  down  to  the  lat- 
est time ;  a  benefit  by  which  we  should  have  been  exempted  from 
those  terrible  and  numerous  evils  which  are  the  effects  of  foreign 
and  domestic  wars;  a  benefit  which  would  have  been  the  source 
of  all  those  sweets  which  naturally  flow  from  an  uninterrupted  and 
universal  tranquillity ;  —  if,  I  say,  he  had  been  so  happy  as  to  have 
executed  this  great  design,  it  would  have  rendered  him,  beyond  all 
comparison,  the  greatest  man  the  world  ever  has  produced  or  prob- 
ably ever  will  produce."  After  some  further  reflections  upon  the 
means  still  more  practicable,  this  judicious  author  adds :  "  This  prince, 


xiv  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

however,  has  always  had  the  honour  of  being  considered  as  the 
author  of  the  most  important  invention,  and  most  useful  discovery 
for  the  benefit  of  mankind,  that  has  yet  appeared  in  the  world ;  the 
execution  of  which  may,  perhaps,  be  reserved  by  Providence  for  the 
greatest  and  most  capable  of  his  successors." 

With  the  great  body  of  controversial  literature  upon 
the  subject  which  has  followed  are  associated  the  names 
of  Cornelius,  Ritter,  Kukelhaus,  Philipson,  and  Pfister. 
The  critical  view  is  sufficiently  stated  for  the  general 
reader  by  Kitchin,  in  his  History  of  France,  as  follows  : 

French  historians  are  much  divided  respecting  the  problem  of  the 
Christian  Republic ;  for  while  they  wish  to  believe  in  so  splendid  a 
conception  of  the  international  position  of  France,  as  the  great  cen- 
tral figure  round  which  all  the  rest  are  grouped,  their  historic  sense 
and  judgment  compel  them  to  doubt,  if  not  to  deny,  the  genuineness 
of  the  document  on  which  it  rests.  ...  No  other  writer  of  the  age 
alludes  to  the  scheme.  It  would  have  been  communicated,  more  or 
less  fully,  to  several  of  the  Cabinets  of  Europe,  yet  dead  silence  pre- 
vails ;  no  minister,  for  example,  of  either  Elizabeth  or  James  alludes 
to  it.  This,  taken  with  the  weakness  of  the  evidence  in  the  (Econo- 
mies^ is  conclusive  against  the  genuineness  of  the  scheme  with  its 
magnificent  chimera  of  an  European  Amphictyonic  assembly.  .  .  . 
It  must  not  be  supposed  that  Henry  IV.  had  any  such  plan  neatly 
drawn  out,  and  ready  for  execution,  when  he  made  his  preparations 
for  appearing  in  Germany ;  on  the  contrary,  he  was  not  at  all  the 
man  to  have  worked  out  any  such  elaborate  design,  for  he  had  nei- 
ther knowledge  nor  inclination  for  it.  And  besides  this,  there  is  in- 
ternal proof  which  shows  that  it  did  not  come  from  his  hand.  How 
could  he,  the  tamer  of  the  noblesse,  who  knew  them  so  well,  and 
was  ever  on  his  guard  against  them,  have  dreamt  of  proposing  to 
carve  out  ten  principalities  on  his  northern  frontier  for  ten  great 
Lords  of  France? 

Yet  we  must  not  absolutely  deny  the  existence  of  any  "  great  de- 
sign "  of  the  kind.  It  was  an  age  of  political  speculations ;  men's 
attention  was  called  to  international  questions,  or  invited  to  study 
the  nature  of  states  within  their  own  borders ;  the  classical  examples 


INTRODUCTION  xv 

were  much  in  vogue ;  men  asked  themselves  as  to  Empires,  as  to 
Republics ;  the  pen  kept  pace  with  the  sword,  and  showed  its  new 
power  in  swaying  public  opinion.  "  Learning,"  as  Hallam  says  of  this 
time,  "  was  employed  in  systematic  analyses  of  ancient  or  modern 
forms  of  government";  these  were  the  days  of  Bodinus'  great  work 
De  Republica ;  now  came  out  that  singular  collection  of  little  books, 
the  "Elzevir  Republics";  the  minds  of  men  had  passed  from  the 
Utopias  of  the  previous  age  to  more  practical  speculations  as  to 
what  State-systems  existed,  or  might  exist.  They  were  conscious 
that  Europe  had  entered  on  an  entirely  new  phase  of  being,  and 
were  eager  to  see  how  she  would  group  herself,  what  would  be  the 
form  of  equilibrium  to  which  they  hoped  she  was  tending.  The 
great  struggle  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War  in  Germany  is  heralded  by 
these  anxious  speculations ;  for  the  true  decision  of  the  form  of 
European  politics  could  never  be  come  to,  till  Germany  had  fought 
out  the  still  unsettled  questions  which  vexed  her  from  the  Alps  to 
the  Baltic.  The  temper  of  mind  corresponds  to  that  which,  in  a 
somewhat  similar  age,  agitated  the  French  nation  under  Napoleon 
III.,  and  led  to  maps  of  reconstructed  Europe,  and  speculations  on 
the  equilibrium  of  states,  and  wars  made  M  for  an  idea."  Therefore 
there  is  nothing  improbable  in  the  existence  of  the  scheme  of  a 
Christian  Republic  before  1 6 1  o  ;  rather,  it  is  very  credible ;  and  if 
we  may  trust  Sully  (in  the  earlier  part  of  the  (Economies)  we  may 
trace  the  genesis  of  some  plan  of  the  kind,  though  doubtless  not  so 
elaborate,  in  the  sagacious  speculations  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  Sully 
states  distinctly  that  he  and  the  Queen  discussed  the  great  project  in 
1 60 1 ,  and  that  she  first  sketched  out  the  plan  of  it,  which  in  outline 
answers  to  that  of  the  Christian  Republic.  On  her  death  the  matter 
seems  to  have  been  re-opened  to  King  James,  who  characteristically 
shrank  from  anything  so  large  and  decisive;  though  the  young 
prince  Henry,  perhaps  with  an  eye  to  a  French  marriage,  professed 
his  hearty  liking  for  it.  But  James  drew  off  from  the  French  side, 
and  in  1604  made  a  separate  peace  with  Spain. 

We  shall  not  be  far  wrong  if  we  say  that  during  the  last  years  of 
the  life  of  Henry  IV.  he  cherished  hopes  of  overthrowing  the  Austro- 
Spanish  dominion  in  Europe,  by  means  of  a  combination  of  French 
with  Dutch  and  North  German  interests ;  that  England  failed  him, 
through  her  insular  views,  and  the  temper  of  her  new  monarch ;  that 


xvi  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

this  led  him  all  the  more  to  watch  the  movements  in  Germany  and 
to  strive  to  settle  the  outstanding  Dutch  struggle  in  favour  of  the 
Provinces  ;  and  in  the  end  made  him  once  more  buckle  on  his  armour 
for  what  might  have  been  a  decisive  war.  We  may  even  go  farther, 
and  believe  that  Henry  had  formed  large  plans  for  the  aggrandise- 
ment of  the  crown,  not  in  the  least  plans  of  the  lofty  and  disinter- 
ested kind  attributed  to  him  by  Sully.  Of  this  we  have  an  account, 
which  is  probably  correct,  in  Richelieu's  Memoirs.  The  Cardinal  de- 
scribes him  as  opening  out  his  plans  in  1 6 1  o  to  the  Queen :  to  reduce 
to  his  obedience  Milan,  Montferrat,  Genoa,  Naples ;  to  present  most 
of  Milan  and  Montferrat  to  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  taking  in  exchange 
Nice  and  Savoy ;  to  make  Piedmont  and  the  Milanese  a  kingdom ; 
to  call  the  Duke  of  Savoy  (having  lost  his  old  territories)  King  of  the 
Alps ;  and  thus  to  secure  the  approaches  of  France  into  Italy ;  on  the 
other  side,  having  shown  himself  to  the  Italian  princes  as  their  friend 
(one  fancies  one  hears  the  voice  of  Napoleon  the  Third !),  to  pass 
into  Flanders  and  Germany,  in  order  to  wear  out  his  enemies  by 
fanning  into  flame  the  smouldering  variances  between  North  and 
South  Germany,  perhaps  to  make  the  Rhine  his  frontier,  with  three 
or  four  strong  fortresses  on  it.  We  may  conclude,  finally,  that  the 
Christian  Republic  is  not  a  formed  scheme  of  Henry's  planning,  but 
a  romance,  based  on  facts,  and  encouraged  by  the  bold  projects  of 
Queen  Elizabeth,  and  the  war-loving  energy  of  the  Duke  of  Sully. 

This  is  the  extreme  critical  view,  and  much  that  might 
be  said  to  counteract  it  is  obvious.  It  is  not  necessary 
here,  however,  to  say  it;  for  our  primary  concern  is  not 
with  the  authorship  of  the  u  Great  Design."  The  work 
of  the  Abbe  de  l'Ecluse  is  to  Dean  Kitchin  "  audacious." 
That  work  was  the  very  bold  editing  and  rearrangement 
of  Sully's  Memoirs,  to  make  the  work  more  consecutive 
and  readable.  Many  liberties  were  certainly  taken  with 
the  text,  from  which  confusions  have  resulted.  L'  Ecluse's 
edition  was  published  in  1 747  ;  and  Mrs.  Charlotte  Lenox 
made  her  English  translation  in  1755.  This  was  revised 
in  1 8 10,  the  text  of  L'Ecluse  being  modified  through 


INTRODUCTION  xvii 

comparison  with  the  original  edition  of  the  Memoirs  ;  and 
the  various  editions  which  have  followed  in  England  and 
America  have  been  reprints  of  this  London  work  of  1810. 
The  edition  used  for  the  present  volume  is  that  published 
in  Bohn's  Library  in  1856.  The  notes  are  chiefly  the  notes 
of  L'Ecluse,  although  it  will  be  seen  that  certain  notes  are 
those  of  the  English  editor. 

The  prime  object  of  the  '*  Great  Design,"  as  Sully  states, 
was  to  reduce  the  House  of  Austria.  It  was  therefore  es- 
sentially a  political  scheme,  however  great  its  general  vir- 
tues. The  first  plan  for  the  federation  of  Europe  which 
was  at  once  comprehensive  and  disinterested  was  that  of 
Wjfliajn_Peruir  published  in  1693,  thirty-one  years  after  the 
publication  of  the  "  Great  Design. "  It  is  noteworthy  that 
at  the  close  of  his  essay  Penn  appeals  for  reinforcement 
of  his  plan  to  Henry's  similar  scheme  : 

I  confess  I  have  the  passion  to  wish  heartily  that  the  honor  of 
proposing  and  effecting  so  great  and  good  a  design  might  be  owing 
to  England,  of  all  the  countries  in  Europe,  as  something  of  the  nature 
of  our  expedient  was,  in  design  and  preparation,  to  the  wisdom,  justice 
and  valor  of  Henry  the  Fourth  of  France,  whose  superior  qualities 
raising  his  character  above  those  of  his  ancestors  or  contemporaries 
deservedly  gave  him  the  style  of  Henry  the  Great.  For  he  was  upon 
obliging  the  princes  and  estates  of  Europe  to  a  politic  balance,  when 
the  Spanish  faction,  for  that  reason,  contrived  and  accomplished  his 
murder  by  the  band  of  Ravilliac.  I  will  not  then  fear  to  be  censured 
for  proposing  an  expedient  for  the  present  and  future  peace  of  Eu- 
rope, when  it  was  not  only  the  design  but  glory  of  one  of  the  greatest 
princes  that  ever  reigned  in  it.  This  great  King's  example  tells  us  it 
is  fit  to  be  done. 

In  1623,  in  Sully's  lifetime,  and  forty  years  before  the 
account  of  the  "  Great  Design"  was  published  in  the  last 
volume  of  his  Memoirs,  Emeric  Cruce  published  in  Paris 


xviii  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

his  little  book  entitled  Le  ^fovecni  Cynee,  which  contained 
the  first  distinct  proposal  for  substituting  international 
arbitration  for  war.  It  was  long  believed  that  the  only 
existing  copy  of  this  remarkable  work  was  that  in  the  Bib- 
liotheque  Nationale  in  Paris.  There  was  a  copy,  however, 
in  the  library  of  Charles  Sumner,  bequeathed  by  him  to 
Harvard  University ;  and  this  copy,  long  overlooked,  has, 
during  the  last  year,  been  brought  to  light,  and  a  trans- 
lation of  it  will  be  published  immediately  in  the  Interna- 
tional Library.  It  is  noteworthy  as  the  first  flowering  of 
the  peace  cause  on  French  soil,  the  creation  of  one  who 
was  living  in  Paris  during  the  reign  of  Henry  the  Fourth. 
We  cannot  forget  either  that  it  was  as  an  exile  in  France 
that  Grotius  prepared  his  Rights  of  War  and  Peace,  and 
that  this  appeared  at  almost  the  same  moment  that  Cruce 
published  his  Nonvean  Cynee. 
\fc  ^-Four  years  before  the  appearance  of  the  last  volume  of 
Sully's  Memoirs,  containing  the  account  of  the  "Great 
Design,"  was  born  the  Abbe  Saint-Pierre,  who,  not  long 
after  the  appearance  of  William  Penn's  Plan  for  the  Per- 
manent  Peace  of  Europe,  published  his  famous  Project  for 
settling  Perpetual  Peace  in  Europe,  in  three  volumes,  the 
most  comprehensive  and  thorough  presentation  of  the  sub- 
ject of  the  better  organization  of  the  world  which  had  ever, 
up  to  that  time,  been  made.  Saint-Pierre  owed  the  inspira- 
tion of  his  effort  directly  to  the  "Great  Design,"  viewing 
his  plan  as  an  elaboration  of  that.  "It  falls  out  happily  for 
this  project,"  he  wrote,  "  that  I  am  not  the  author  of  it.  It 
was  Henry  the  Great  who  was  the  inventor  of  it."  Leib- 
nitz, who  in  171 5  made  the  "Project"  of  Saint-Pierre 
the  subject  of  an  important  paper  in  which  he  developed 
his  own  thoughts  upon  international  organization,  wrote 


INTRODUCTION  xix 

personally  to  the  author,  and  took  satisfaction  in  the  fact 
that  the  project  was  supported  by  the  practical  authority  of 
Henry  the  Fourth.  Later  Rousseau  revived  the  project  of 
Saint-Pierre,  devoting  a  book  to  it ;  and  in  a  subsequent 
pamphlet  on  Perpetual  Peace  he  wrote  : 

I  require  only,  in  order  to  prove  that  the  project  of  the  Christian 
Republic  is  not  chimerical,  to  name  its  first  author ;  for  assuredly 
Henry  IV.  was  no  fool,  nor  was  Sully  a  visionary.  The  Abbe'  Saint- 
Pierre  felt  himself  warranted  by  these  great  names  in  reviving  their 
system.  But  what  a  difference  in  the  times,  the  circumstances,  the 
proposal,  the  manner  of  doing  it,  and  in  the  author !  To  judge  of 
this  difference  let  us  glance  at  the  general  situation  of  affairs  at  the 
moment  chosen  by  Henry  IV.  for  the  execution  of  his  project.  .  .  . 
But  without  anything  transpiring  of  these  grand  designs,  everything 
marched  on  in  silence  towards  their  execution.  Twice  Sully  went  to 
London ;  the  party  was  united  in  alliance  with  King  James  I.,  and 
the  King  of  Sweden  was  pledged  on  his  side;  the  league  was  con- 
cluded with  the  Protestants  of  Germany ;  they  were  even  sure  of  the 
Princes  of  Italy  ;  and  all  contributed  towards  the  great  object  without 
being  able  to  say  what  it  was,  just  like  the  workmen  who  labour  sep- 
arately at  the  parts  of  a  new  machine  of  which  they  do  not  know  the 
form  or  the  use.  ...  To  so  many  preparations  add,  for  the  conduct 
of  the  enterprise,  the  same  zeal  and  the  same  prudence  as  had  gone 
to  its  formation,  quite  as  much  on  the  part  of  Henry's  minister  as 
on  his  own ;  at  the  head  of  the  enterprise  a  captain  such  as  himself, 
while  his  adversary  had  nothing  more  to  oppose  to  him,  and  you  will 
be  able  to  judge  whether  anything  which  might  be  deemed  favour- 
able to  success  was  absent  from  the  promise  of  his.  Without  having 
penetrated  his  views,  Europe,  attentive  to  his  immense  preparations, 
awaited  their  results  with  a  kind  of  terror.  A  slight  pretext  was  to 
give  rise  to  this  great  revolution  ;  a  war,  which  was  to  be  the  last,  was 
preparing  an  immortal  peace,  when  an  event,  whose  horrible  mystery 
must  deepen  the  terror  of  it,  banished  for  ever  the  last  hope  of  the 
world.  The  same  blow  which  cut  short  the  days  of  the  good  King 
plunged  Europe  anew  into  the  eternal  wars  which  she  could  no 
longer  hope  to  see  come  to  an  end.    Be  that  as  it  may,  these  are  the 


XX  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

means  which  Henry  IV.  collected  together  for  forming  the  same 
establishment  that  the  Abbe  Saint-Pierre  intended  to  form  with  a 
book.  Beyond  doubt  permanent  peace  is  at  present  but  an  idle 
fancy;  but  given  only  a  Henry  IV.  and  a  Sully,  and  permanent 
peace  will  become  once  more  a  reasonable  project. 

The  work  of  Saint-Pierre  and  Rousseau  met  with  a 
wide  and  warm  response  throughout  Europe.  One  fruit 
in  Germany  was  the  work  of  Totze  at  Gottingen  in  1763, 
entitled  Permanent  and  Universal  Peace ',  according  to  the 
Plan  of  Henry  the  Fourth. 

Here  in  the  United  States  we  remember  —  and  we  re- 
member it  with  peculiar  tenderness  and  gratitude  at  this 
hour  —  that  the  American  who  first  conspicuously  and 
enthusiastically  urged  upon  his  countrymen  attention  to 
the  "Great  Design"  of  Henry  IV.  was  ^Edward  Everett 
Hale)  This  was  in  an  article  entitled  "  The  United  States 
of  Europe,"  published  in  his  magazine,  Old  and  New, 
in  1 87 1,  the  time  of  the  Franco-German  war.  That  article 
is  so  interesting,  and  now  so  memorable,  that  it  is  incorpo- 
rated in  the  present  volume. 

"  Has  there  ever  been  a  moment,"  asked  Dr.  Hale  in 
this  historic  paper  in  1871,  "when  all  true  men  could  act 
together,  as  in  this  sea  of  troubles  they  might  act  to  estab- 
lish the  United  States  of  Europe  ?  And  if  the  great  man 
of  Europe,  whoever  he  may  be,  speaks  that  great  word, 
and  lays  the  plans  for  that  great  harmony,  may  not  this 
land  of  ours,  which  has  given  the  great  example,  do  more 
than  any  land  to  make  real  the  sublime  idea  ?  Our  states- 
manship, our  policy,  our  international  science,  —  they  have 
no  object  at  this  moment  so  noble,  nay,  they  have  none  so 
real,  as  the  advance,  by  one  of  the  great  strides  of  history, 
of  a  permanent  peace  among  the  States  of  Christendom." 


INTRODUCTION  xxi 

Dr.  Hale  spoke  the  same  word  with  power  in  1 899,  as, 
at  the  call  of  another  European  monarch,  the  representa- 
tives of  the  nations  were  gathering,  in  behalf  of  the  world's 
organization,  at  The  Hague.  He  is  speaking  it  to  us  still 
to-day,  while  this  struggle  for  permanent  peace  among  the 
States  of  Christendom  still  goes  on.  Let  us  hear  his  voice 
as  we  turn  anew  the  pages  of  the  "  Great  Design." 

Edwin  D.  Mead 
Boston,  Massachusetts 


THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF 
HENRY  IV 


FROM  THE  MEMOIRS  OF  THE  DUKE 
OF  SULLY 

As  this  part  of  these  Memoirs  will  be  entirely  taken  up 
with  an  account  of  the  great  design  of  Henry  IV.,  or  the 
political  scheme  by  which  he  proposed  to  govern,  not  only 
France,  but  all  Europe,  it  may  not  be  improper  to  begin  it 
with  some  more  general  reflections  on  this  monarchy,  and 
on  the  Roman  Empire,  upon  whose  ruins  we  know  it  has 
been  formed,  as  well  as  all  the  other  powers  which  at  this 
day  compose  the  Christian  world. 

If  we  consider  all  those  successive  changes  which  Rome 
has  suffered  from  the  year  of  the  world  3064,  which  is  that 
of  its  foundation,1  its  infancy,  youth,  and  virility,  its  declen- 
sion, fall,  and  final  ruin ;  those  vicissitudes,  which  it  expe- 
rienced in  common  with  the  great  monarchies  by  which  it 
was  preceded,  would  almost  incline  one  to  believe  that  em- 
pires, like  all  other  sublunary  things,  are  subject  to  be  the 
sport,  and  at  last  to  sink  under  the  pressure,  of  time.  And 
if  we  extend  this  idea  still  further,  we  shall,  perhaps,  per- 
ceive that  they  are  all  liable  to  be  disturbed  or  interrupted  in 

1  The  opinion  now  most  generally  received  is  that  of  Varro,  who 
places  the  time  of  the  foundation  of  Rome  nearly  two  hundred  years 
later. 


2  '   VTHE  GREAT  DESIGN   OF  HENRY  IV 

their  courses  by  certain  extraordinary  incidents,  which,  for 
anything  that  we  can  discover  to  the  contrary,  may  be  termed 
epidemical  distempers,  that  very  frequently  hasten  their  de- 
struction ;  and  their  cure  by  this  discovery  becoming  easier, 
we  may  at  least  save  some  of  them  from  those  catastrophies 
which  are  so  fatal  to  them. 

But  if  we  endeavour  to  discover  more  visible  and  natural 
causes  of  the  ruin  of  this  vast  and  formidable  empire,  we 
shall  perhaps  soon  perceive  they  were  produced  by  a  devia- 
tion from  those  wise  laws  and  that  simplicity  of  manners, 
which  were  the  original  of  all  its  grandeur,  into  luxury,  ava- 
rice, and  ambition ;  yet  there  was,  finally,  another  cause,  the 
effect  of  which  could  hardly  have  been  prevented  or  fore- 
seen by  the  utmost  human  wisdom ;  I  mean  the  irruptions  of 
those  vast  bodies  of  barbarous  people,  Goths,  Vandals,  Huns, 
Herulians,  Rugians,  Lombards,  &c,  from  whom,  both  sepa- 
rately and  united,  the  Roman  Empire  received  such  violent 
shocks  that  it  was  at  last  overthrown  by  them.  Rome  was 
three  times  sacked  by  these  barbarians ;  in  4 1 4,  under  Ho- 
norius,  by  Alaric,  chief  of  the  Goths;  in  455,  by  Genseric, 
king  of  the  Vandals,  under  Martian;  and  in  546,  under 
Justinian,  by  Totila  and  the  Goths.1  Now,  if  it  be  true 
that  after  this  the  city  retained  the  shadow  of  what  she 
had  been,  if  we  must  regard  her  as  divested  of  the  empire 
of  the  world,  when  her  weakness  and  the  abuses  of  her 
government  made  this  event  to  be  looked  upon,  not  simply 
as  inevitable,  but  as  very  near,  and,  in  fact,  already  arrived, 
the  epocha  of  her  fall  may  then  be  marked  long  before  the 
reign  of  Valentinian  III.,  to  whom  it  will  be  doing  a  favour 

1  These  three  epochas  are  not  quite  just:  the  first  was  in  410,  instead 
of  414;  the  second  in  455  or  456;  and  the  third  in  524,  under  Tegas, 
successor  of  Totila,  and  the  last  king  of  the  Goths ;  the  sacking  the  city 
this  last  time  lasted  forty  days. 


THE  GREAT  DESIGN   OF  HENRY  IV  3 

to  call  the  last  emperor  of  the  West;1  for  several  of  those 
emperors  whom  he  succeeded  were,  in  reality,  no  better 
than  tyrants,  by  whom  the  empire  was  torn  and  divided, 
and  the  shattered  remnants  left  to  be  the  spoil  of  the  bar- 
barians, who,  indeed,  by  their  conquests,  acquired  an  equal 
right  to  them. 

Rome,  nevertheless,  still  beheld,  at  intervals,  some  faint 
appearances  of  a  revival ;  those  of  which  she  was  most  sen- 
sible were  under  the  reign  of  the  great  Constantine,  whose 
victories  once  more  united  this  vast  body  under  one  head ; 
but  when  he  transported  the  seat  of  his  empire  from  Rome 
to  Constantinople,  he,  by  that  step,  without  being  sensible 
of  it,  contributed  more  to  the  destruction  of  a  work  which 
had  cost  him  so  much  labour  than  all  the  ill  conduct  of  his 
predecessors  had  been  able  to  effect ;  and  this  even  he  ren- 
dered irremediable,  by  dividing  his  empire  equally  between 
his  three  sons.  Theodosius,  who,  by  good  fortune,  or  from 
an  effect  of  his  great  valour,  found  himself  in  the  same 
circumstances  with  Constantine,  would  not,  perhaps,  have 
committed  the  same  fault  had  he  not  been  influenced  by 
the  force  of  Constantine's  example;  but  this,  in  a  manner, 
necessarily  obliged  him  to  divide  his  empire  in  two  —  Arca- 
dius  had  the  East,  Honorius  the  West;  and  from  that  time 
there  never  was  any  hopes  or  opportunity  of  reuniting  them. 

According  to  the  order  of  nature,  by  which  the  destruc- 
tion of  one  thing  contributes  to  the  production  of  others, 
so,  in  proportion  as  the  most  distant  members  of  the  em- 
pire of  the  West  fell  off  from  it,  from  thence  there  arose 

1  It  would  be  unjust  surely  to  refuse  the  title  of  Emperors  of  the 
West  to  Valentinian  III.,  to  Honorius,  &c.  The  expressions  here  used 
by  our  author  should  not  be  understood  in  their  most  rigorous  sense, 
but  only  as  meaning  an  empire  weakening,  and  approaching  to  its  final 
destruction. 


4  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

kingdoms;  though  indeed  they  did  not  at  first  bear  that 
rank.  The  most  ancient  of  these  (its  origin  appearing  to 
have  been  in  the  eighth  year  of  the  empire  of  Honorius)  is, 
undoubtedly,  that  which  was  founded  in  Gaul  by  the  French, 
so  called  from  Franconia,  from  whence  they  were  invited 
by  the  Gauls,  who  inhabited  the  countries  about  the  Moselle, 
to  assist  them  in  their  deliverance  from  the  oppression  of 
the  Roman  armies.  It  being  a  custom  among  these  Franks, 
or  French,  to  confer  the  title  of  king  upon  whatever  person 
they  chose  to  be  their  leader,  if  the  first  or  second  of  these 
chiefs  did  not  bear  it,  it  is  certain,  at  least,  that  the  third, 
which  was  Merovius,  and  more  particularly  Clovis,  who 
was  the  fifth,  were  invested  with  it;1  and  some  of  them 
supported  it  with  so  much  glory  —  among  others  Pepin 
and  Charles  Martel,  to  whom  it  would  be  doing  an  injus- 
tice to  refuse  them  this  dignity  —  that  their  worthy  suc- 
cessor, Charlemagne,  revived  in  Gaul  an  imperfect  image 
of  the  now  extinguished  empire  in  the  West:  this,  indeed, 
was  facilitated  by  those  natural  advantages  France  enjoys 
of  numerous  inhabitants  trained  to  war,  and  a  great  plenty 
of  all  things  serving  the  different  necessities  of  life,  joined 
to  a  very  great  convenience  for  commerce,  arising  from 

1  The  whole  of  what  is  here  said  may  be  allowed  to  be  right;  ac- 
cording to  Petau  and  Sirmond,  the  chiefs  of  the  French  bore  the  title 
of  kings  from  the  reign  of  Valentinian  II.,  which  was  long  before  the 
year  445,  when  Claudian,  by  the  taking  of  Cambray,  &c,  first  established 
himself  on  this  side  of  the  Rhine.  They  first  established  themselves  on 
the  other  side  of  the  Rhine  about  the  middle  of  the  third  century,  and 
extended  themselves  nearly  from  the  Texel  as  far  as  Frankfort.  This 
revolt  of  a  part  of  Gaul  against  the  Romans  happened  in  434,  in  the 
twelfth  year  of  the  reign  of  Valentinian  III.;  and  the  author's  opinion 
on  the  establishment  of  the  French  in  Gaul  is  confirmed  by  a  learned 
academician,  who  has  cleared  up  this  critical  point  as  much  as  it  was 
possible  (the  late  Abbe  Du  Bois).  (Hist.  Crit.de  PEtab.  de  la  Monarchic 
Franc,  dans  les  Gaules,  torn.  i.  liv.  i.  chap.  17;  liv.  ii.  chap.  7,  8.) 


THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV  5 

its  situation,  which  renders  it  the  centre  of  four  of  the 
principal  powers  of  Europe  —  Germany,  Italy,  Spain,  and 
Britain,  with  the  Low  Countries. 

Let  us  here  just  say  one  word  upon  the  three  races  which 
compose  the  succession  of  our  kings :  in  the  first  of  them  I 
find  only  Merovius,  Clovis  I.,  and  Clotharius  II.;  Charles 
Martel,  Pepin  le  Bref,  and  Charlemagne  in  the  second,  who 
have  raised  themselves  above  the  common  level  of  their 
race.  Take  away  these  six  from  the  thirty-five  which  we 
compute  in  these  two  races,  and  all  the  rest,  from  their 
vices  or  their  incapacity,  appear  to  have  been  either  wicked 
kings,  or  but  the  shadow  of  kings;  though  among  them 
we  may  distinguish  some  good  qualities  in  Sigibert  and 
Dagobert,  and  a  very  great  devotion  in  Louis  le  Debon- 
naire,  which,  however,  ended  in  his  repenting  the  loss  of 
empire  and  his  kingdom,  together  with  his  liberty,  in  a 
cloister. 

The  Carlovingian  race  having  reigned  obscurely,  and 
ended  so  too,  the  crown  then  descended  upon  a  third  race, 
the  first  four  kings  of  which,  in  my  opinion,  appear  to  have 
been  perfect  models  of  wise  and  good  government.  The 
kingdom  which  came  under  their  dominion  had  lost  much 
of  its  original  splendour,  for,  from  its  immense  extent  in 
the  time  of  Charlemagne,  it  was  reduced  to  very  nearly 
the  same  bounds  which  it  has  at  this  day,  with  this  differ- 
ence, that  though  they  might  have  been  desirous  to  restore 
its  ancient  limits,  the  form  of  the  government,  which  ren- 
dered the  kings  subject  to  the  great  men  and  people  of 
the  kingdom,  who  had  a  right  to  choose  and  even  to  gov- 
ern their  sovereigns,  left  them  no  means  by  which  they 
could  succeed  in  such  an  attempt.  The  conduct,  therefore, 
which  they  pursued  was  to  condemn  arbitrary  power  to  an 


6  THE  GREAT   DESIGN   OF  HENRY  IV 

absolute  silence,  and,  in  its  place,  to  substitute  equity  itself, 
a  kind  of  dominion  which  never  excites  envy.  Nothing  now 
was  done  without  the  consent  of  the  great  men  and  the 
principal  cities,  and  almost  always  in  consequence  of  the 
decision  of  an  assembly  of  the  states.  A  conduct  so  mod- 
erate and  prudent  put  an  end  to  all  factions  and  stifled  all 
conspiracies,  which  are  fatal  to  the  state  or  the  sovereign. 
Regularity,  economy,  a  distinction  of  merit,  strict  observ- 
ance of  justice,  all  the  virtues  which  we  suppose  necessary 
qualifications  for  the  good  of  a  family,  were  what  character- 
ised this  new  government,  and  produced  what  was  never 
before  beheld,  and  what,  perhaps,  we  may  never  see  again 
—  an  uninterrupted  peace  for  one  hundred  and  twenty-two 
years.  What  these  princes  gained  by  it  for  themselves  in 
particular,  and  which  all  the  authority  of  the  Salique  law 
could  never  have  procured  them,  was  the  advantage  of  intro- 
ducing into  this  house  an  hereditary  right  to  the  crown. 
But  they,  nevertheless,  thought  it  a  necessary  precaution 
not  to  declare  their  eldest  sons  their  successors  till  they 
had  modestly  asked  the  consent  of  the  people,  preceded  it 
by  a  kind  of  election,  and  usually  by  having  them  crowned 
in  their  own  lifetime,  and  seated  with  them  upon  the  throne. 
Philip  II.,  whom  Louis  VII.,  his  father,  caused  to  be 
crowned  and  to  reign  with  him  in  this  manner,  was  the 
first  who  neglected  to  observe  this  ceremony  between  the 
sovereign  and  his  people :  several  victories,  obtained  over 
his  neighbours  and  over  his  own  subjects,  which  gained 
him  the  surname  of  Augustus,  served  to  open  him  a  pas- 
sage to  absolute  power;  and  a  notion  of  the  fitness  and 
legality  of  this  power,  by  the  assistance  of  favourites,  minis- 
ters, and  others,  became  afterwards  so  strongly  imprinted 
in  his  successors,  that  they  looked  upon  it  as  a  mark  of 


THE  GREAT   DESIGN   OF  HENRY  IV  7 

the  most  profound  good  policy  to  act  contrary  to  those 
maxims,  the  general  and  particular  utility  of  which  had 
been  so  effectually  confirmed  by  experience.  And  this  they 
did  without  any  fear,  or,  perhaps,  without  any  conception 
of  the  fatal  consequences  which  such  a  proceeding,  against 
a  nation  that  adored  its  liberty,  might,  and  even  necessarily 
would,  incur ;  of  which  they  might  easily  have  become  sen- 
sible, from  the  means  to  which  the  people  had  immediate 
recourse,  to  shake  off  the  yoke  of  tyranny  with  which  they 
saw  themselves  menaced.  The  kings  could  never  obtain  of 
their  people  any  other  than  that  kind  of  constrained  obedi- 
ence which  always  inclines  them  to  embrace  with  eagerness 
all  opportunities  of  mutiny.  This  was  the  source  of  a  thou- 
sand bloody  wars:  that  by  which  almost  all  France  was 
ravaged  by  the  English;  that  which  we  carried  on  with 
Italy,  Burgundy,  and  Spain ;  all  of  them  can  be  attributed 
to  no  other  causes  than  the  civil  dissensions  by  which  they 
were  preceded :  and  here  the  weakest  side,  stifling  the  voice 
of  honour  and  the  interest  of  the  nation,  constantly  called 
in  foreigners  to  assist  them  in  the  support  of  their  tottering 
liberties.  These  were  shameful  and  fatal  remedies;  but 
from  that  time  they  were  constantly  employed,  and  even 
to  our  days  by  the  house  of  Lorraine,  in  a  league,  for  which 
religion  was  nothing  more  than  the  pretence.  Another  evil, 
which  may  at  first  appear  to  be  of  a  different  kind,  but 
which,  in  my  opinion,  proceeds  from  the  same  source,  was 
a  general  corruption  of  manners,  a  thirst  for  riches,  and  a 
most  shameful  degree  of  luxury;  these,  sometimes  sepa- 
rately and  sometimes  united,  were  alternate  causes  and 
effects  of  many  of  our  miseries. 

Thus,  in  a  few  words,  I  have  exposed  the  various  species 
of  our  bad  policy  with  respect  both  to  the  form  of  the 


8  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

government,  successively  subjected  to  the  will  of  the  people, 
the  soldiers,  the  nobles,  the  states,  and  the  kings;  and  in 
regard  to  the  persons  likewise  of  these  last,  whether  de- 
pendent, elective,  hereditary,  or  absolute. 

From  the  picture  here  laid  before  us,  we  may  be  enabled 
to  form  our  judgment  upon  the  third  race  of  our  kings;  we 
may  find  a  thousand  things  to  admire  in  Philip  Augustus, 
Saint-Louis,  Philip  le  Bel,  Charles  le  Sage,  Charles  VII., 
and  Louis  XII.  But  it  is  to  be  lamented  that  so  many 
virtues,  or  great  qualities,  have  been  exercised  upon  no 
better  principles ;  with  what  pleasure  might  we  bestow  upon 
them  the  titles  of  great  kings,  could  we  but  conceal  that 
their  people  were  miserable;  what  might  we  not,  in  par- 
ticular, say  of  Louis  IX.?  Of  the  forty-four  years  which 
he  reigned,  the  first  twenty  of  them  exhibit  a  scene  not  un- 
worthy to  be  compared  with  the  eleven  last  of  Henry  the 
Great ;  but  I  am  afraid  all  their  glory  will  appear  to  have 
been  destroyed  in  the  twenty-four  following,  wherein  it  ap- 
pears that  the  excessive  taxes  upon  the  subjects  to  satisfy 
an  ill-judged  and  destructive  devotion,  immense  sums  trans- 
ported into  the  most  distant  countries  for  the  ransom  of 
prisoners,  so  many  thousand  subjects  sacrificed,  so  many 
•  illustrious  houses  extinguished,  caused  a  universal  mourning 
throughout  France,  and  all  together  a  general  calamity. 

Let  us  for  once,  if  it  be  possible,  fix  our  principles ;  and 
being  from  long  experience  convinced  that  the  happiness 
of  mankind  can  never  arise  from  war,  of  which  we  ought 
to  have  been  persuaded  long  ago,  let  us  upon  this  principle 
take  a  cursory  view  of  the  history  of  our  monarchy.  We 
will  pass  by  the  wars  of  Clovis  and  his  predecessors,  be- 
cause they  seem  to  have  been  in  some  degree  necessary  to 
confirm  the  recent  foundations  of  the  monarchy :  but  what 


THE  GREAT   DESIGN  OF   HENRY  IV  9 

shall  we  say  of  those  wars  in  which  the  four  sons  of  Clovis, 
the  four  sons  of  Clotharius  II.,  and  their  descendants  were 
engaged,  during  the  uninterrupted  course  of  one  hundred 
and  sixty  years  ?  and  of  those  also  by  which,  for  the  space 
of  one  hundred  and  seventy-two  other  years,  commencing 
with  Louis  le  Debonnaire,  the  kingdom  was  harassed  and 
torn  ?  What  follows  is  still  worse :  the  slightest  knowledge 
of  our  history  is  sufficient  to  convince  any  one  that  there 
was  no  real  tranquillity  in  the  kingdom  from  Henry  III. 
to  the  peace  of  Vervins ;  and,  in  short,  all  this  long  period 
may  be  called  a  war  of  near  four  hundred  years'  duration. 
After  this  examination,  from  whence  it  incontestably  ap- 
pears that  our  kings  have  seldom  thought  of  anything  but 
how  to  carry  on  their  wars,  we  cannot  but  be  scrupulous  in 
bestowing  on  them  the  title  of  truly  great  kings ;  though 
we  shall,  nevertheless,  render  them  all  the  justice  which 
appears  to  have  been  their  due :  for  I  confess  (as  indeed  it 
would  be  unjust  to  attribute  to  them  only  a  crime  which 
was  properly  that  of  all  Europe)  that  several  of  these  princes 
were  sometimes  in  such  circumstances  as  rendered  the  wars 
just,  and  even  necessary;  and  from  hence,  when  indeed 
there  was  no  other  means  to  obtain  it,  they  acquired  a  true 
and  lasting  glory.  For  herein,  from  the  manner  in  which 
several  of  these  wars  were  foreseen,  prepared  for,  and 
conducted,  we  may  in  their  councils  discover  such  master- 
strokes of  policy,  and  in  their  persons  such  noble  instances 
of  courage,  as  are  deserving  of  our  highest  praises.  From 
whence  then  can  proceed  the  error  of  so  many  exploits, 
in  appearance  so  glorious,  though  the  effect  of  them  has 
generally  been  the  devastation  both  of  France  and  all  Eu- 
rope? I  repeat  it  again,  of  all  Europe,  which  even  yet 
seems  scarcely  sensible  that  in  her  present  situation  —  a 


10  THE   GREAT   DESIGN   OF  HENRY  IV 

situation  in  which  she  has  been  for  several  centuries  — 
every  attempt  which  shall  tend  to  her  subjection,  or  only 
to  the  too  considerably  augmenting  of  any  one  of  her  prin- 
cipal monarchies  at  the  expense  of  the  others,  can  never 
.be  any  other  than  a  chimerical  and  impossible  enterprise, 
there  are  none  of  these  monarchies  whose  destruction  will 
not  require  a  concurrence  of  causes  infinitely  superior  to  all 
human  force.  The  whole,  therefore,  of  what  seems  proper 
and  necessary  to  be  done,  is  ,to  support  them  all  in  a  kind 
of  equilibrium ;  and  whatever  prince  thinks,  and  in  conse- 
quence acts,  otherwise,  may  indeed  cause  torrents  of  blood 
to  flow  through  all  Europe,  but  he  will  never  be  able  to 
change  her  form. 

When  I  observed  that  the  extent  of  France  is  not  now 
so  considerable  as  it  was  in  the  time  of  Charlemagne,  my 
intention,  most  certainly,  was  not  that  this  diminution  should 
be  considered  as  a  misfortune.  In  an  age  when  we  feel 
the  sad  effects  of  having  had  ambitious  princes  from  time 
to  time  for  our  kings,  were  all  to  concur  in  flattering  this 
fatal  ambition  it  would  be  the  cause  of  still  greater  evils ; 
and  it  may  be  generally  observed  that  the  larger  the  extent 
of  kingdoms,  the  more  they  are  subject  to  great  revolutions 
and  misfortunes.  The  basis  of  the  tranquillity  of  our  own, 
in  particular,  depends  upon  preserving  it  within  its  present 
limits.  A  climate,  laws,  manners,  and  language,  different 
from  our  own ;  seas,  and  chains  of  mountains  almost  inac- 
cessible, are  all  so  many  barriers  which  we  may  consider  as 
fixed  even  by  nature.  Besides,  what  is  it  that  France  wants  ? 
Will  she  not  always  be  the  richest  and  most  powerful  king- 
dom in  Europe  ?  It  must  be  granted.  All,  therefore,  which 
the  French  have  to  wish  or  desire  is,  that  Heaven  may 
grant  them  pious,  good,  and  wise  kings;  and  that  these 


THE   GREAT   DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV  II 

kings  may  employ  their  power  in  preserving  the  peace  of 
Europe ;  for  no  other  enterprise  can,  truly,  be  to  them  either 
profitable  or  successful. 

And  this  explains  to  us  the  nature  of  the  design  which 
Henry  IV.  was  on  the  point  of  putting  in  execution  when 
it  pleased  God  to  take  him  to  himself,  too  soon  by  some 
years  for  the  happiness  of  the  world.  From  hence  likewise 
we  may  perceive  the  motives  for  his  pursuing  a  conduct 
so  opposite  to  anything  that  had  hitherto  been  undertaken 
by  crowned  heads ;  and  here  we  may  behold  what  it  was 
that  acquired  him  the  title  of  " great." (His  designs  were 
not  inspired  by  a  mean  and  despicable  ambition,  nor  guided 
by  base  and  partial  interests :  to  render  France  happy  for 
ever  was  his  desire ;  and  as  she  cannot  perfectly  enjoy  this 
felicity  unless  all  Europe  likewise  partakes  of  it,  so  it  was 
the  happiness  of  Europe  in  general  which  he  laboured  to 
procure,  and  this  in  a  manner  so  solid  and  durable  that 
nothing  should  afterwards  be  able  to  shake  its  foundations.  / 

I  must  confess  I  am  under  some  apprehensions  lest  this 
scheme  should  at  first  be  considered  as  one  of  those  darling  *  ■ 
chimeras,  or  idle  political  speculations,  in  which  a  mind 
susceptible  of  strange  and  singular  ideas  may  be  so  easily 
engaged ;  those  who  shall  think  thus  of  it,  must  be  of  that 
sort  of  people  on  whom  the  first  impressions  upon  a  preju- 
diced imagination  have  the  force  of  truth ;  or  those  who, 
by  their  distance  from  the  times  and  their  ignorance  of 
the  circumstances,  confound  the  wisest  and  noblest  enter- 
prises that  have  ever  been  formed,  with  those  chimerical 
projects  which  princes,  intoxicated  with  their  power,  have 
in  all  ages  amused  themselves  in  forming.  I  confess  that 
if  we  attentively  examine  the  designs  which  have  been 
planned  from  motives  of  vanity,  confidence  in  good  fortune, 


12  THE  GREAT   DESIGN   OF  HENRY  IV 

ignorance,  nay,  from  sloth,  and  even  timidity  itself,  we 
must  be  surprised  to  behold  sovereigns  plunged  blindly 
into  schemes,  specious  perhaps  in  appearance,  but  which, 
at  bottom,  have  not  the  least  degree  of  possibility.  The 
mind  of  man  pursues  with  so  much  complacency,  nay, 
even  with  so  much  ardour,  whatever  it  fancies  great  or 
beautiful,  that  it  is  sorry  to  be  made  sensible  that  these 
objects  have  frequently  nothing  real  or  solid  in  them.  But 
in  this,  as  well  as  in  other  things,  there  is  an  opposite  ex- 
treme to  be  avoided ;  which  is,  that  as  we  usually  fail  in 
the  execution  of  great  designs  from  not  commencing  and 
continuing  them  with  sufficient  vigour  and  spirit,  so  like- 
wise we  are  defective  in  the  knowledge  of  their  true  worth 
and  tendency,  because  we  do  not  thoroughly  and  properly 
consider  them  in  all  their  dependencies  and  consequences. 
I  have  myself  been  more  difficult  to  persuade  in  this  matter 
than  perhaps  any  of  those  who  shall  read  these  Memoirs, 
and  this  I  consider  as  an  effect  of  that  cold,  cautious,  and 
unenterprising  temper,  which  makes  so  considerable  a  part 
of  my  character. 

I  remember  the  first  time  the  king  spoke  to  me  of  a 
political  system  by  which  all  Europe  might  be  regulated 
and  governed  as  one  great  family,  I  scarcely  paid  any  atten- 
tion to  what  he  said,  imagining  that  he  meant  no  more  by 
it  than  merely  to  divert  himself,  or  perhaps  to  show  that 
his  thoughts  on  political  subjects  were  greater,  and  pene- 
trated deeper,  than  most  others ;  my  reply  was  a  mixture 
of  pleasantry  and  compliment.  Henry  said  no  more  at  that 
time.  He  often  confessed  to  me  afterwards  that  he  had 
long  concealed  from  me  what  he  meditated  on  this  subject, 
from  a  principle  of  shame,  which  many  labour  under,  lest 
they  should  disclose  designs  which  might  appear  ridiculous 


THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV  13 

or  impossible.  I  was  astonished  when,  some  time  after, 
he  renewed  our  conversation  on  this  head,  and  continued 
from  year  to  year  to  entertain  me  with  new  regulations  and 
new  improvements  in  his  scheme. 

I  had  been  very  far  from  thinking  seriously  about  it.  If 
by  accident  it  came  into  my  thoughts  for  a  moment,  the 
first  view  of  the  design,  which  supposed  a  reunion  of  all 
the  different  states  of  Europe  —  immense  expenses,  at  a 
time  when  France  could  scarcely  supply  her  own  neces- 
sities —  a  concatenation  of  events  which  to  me  appeared 
infinite, — these  were  considerations  which  had  always  made 
me  reject  the  thought  as  vain ;  I  even  apprehended  there 
was  some  illusion  in  it.  I  recollected  some  of  those  enter- 
prises in  which  we  had  endeavoured  to  engage  Europe.  I 
considered  those  in  particular  which  had  been  formed  by 
some  of  our  kings,  from  much  less  considerable  motives, 
and  I  felt  myself  disgusted  with  this,  from  the  bad  success 
of  all  the  former.  The  disposition  of  the  princes  of  Europe 
to  take  umbrage  against  France,  when  she  would  have  as- 
sisted them  to  dissipate  their  fears  from  the  too  great  power 
of  Spain,  this  alone  appeared  to  me  an  insurmountable 
obstacle. 

Strongly  prejudiced  by  this  opinion,  I  used  my  utmost 
efforts  to  undeceive  Henry,  who,  on  his  side,  surprised  not 
to  find  me  of  his  opinion  in  any  one  point,  immediately 
undertook  and  readily  succeeded  in  convincing  me,  that  my 
thus  indiscriminately  condemning  all  parts  of  his  project, 
in  which  he  was  certain  that  everything  at  least  was  not 
blamable,  could  proceed  from  nothing  but  strong  preju- 
dices. I  could  not  refuse,  at  his  solicitations,  to  use  my 
endeavours  to  gain  a  thorough  comprehension  of  it:  I 
formed  a  clearer  plan  of  it  in  my  mind :  I  collected  and 


14  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

united  all  its  different  branches :  I  studied  all  its  propor- 
tions and  dimensions,  if  I  may  say  so ;  and  I  discovered 
in  them  a  regularity  and  mutual  dependence,  of  which, 
when  I  only  considered  the  design  in  a  confused  and  care- 
less manner,  I  had  not  been  at  all  sensible.  The  benefit 
which  would  manifestly  arise  from  it  to  all  Europe,  was 
what  most  immediately  struck  me,  as  being  in  effect  the 
plainest  and  most  evident ;  but  the  means  to  effect  so  good 
a  design  were,  therefore,  what  I  hesitated  at  the  longest. 
The  general  situation  of  the  affairs  of  Europe,  and  of  our 
own  in  particular,  appeared  to  me  every  way  contrary  to 
the  execution :  I  did  not  consider  that,  as  the  execution  of 
it  might  be  deferred  till  a  proper  opportunity,  we  had  all 
those  resources  whereby  to  prepare  ourselves,  which  time 
affords  those  who  know  how  to  make  the  best  use  of  it. 
I  was  at  last  convinced,  that  however  disproportionate  the 
means  might  appear  to  the  effect,  a  course  of  years,  during 
which  everything  should  as  much  as  possible  be  made  sub- 
servient to  the  great  object  in  view,  would  surmount  many 
difficulties.  It  is  indeed  somewhat  extraordinary,  that  this 
point,  which  appeared  to  be,  and  really  was,  the  most  diffi- 
cult of  any,  should  at  last  become  the  most  easy. 

Having  thus  seen  all  parts  of  the  design  in  their  just 
points  of  view,  having  thoroughly  considered  and  calcu- 
lated, and  from  thence  discovered  and  prepared  for  all 
events  which  might  happen,  I  found  myself  confirmed  in 
the  opinion,  that  the  design  of  Henry  the  Great  was,  upon 
the  whole,  just  in  its  intention, -possible,  and  even  practi- 
cable in  all  its  parts,  and  infinitely  glorious  in  all  its  effects : 
so  that,  upon  all  occasions,  I  was  the  first  to  recall  the  king 
to  his  engagements,  and  sometimes  to  convince  him  by 
those  very  arguments  which  he  himself  had  taught  me. 


THE  GREAT   DESIGN   OF  HENRY  IV  15 

The  constant  attention  this  prince  paid  to  all  affairs  trans- 
acted around  him,  from  an  effect  of  those  singularly  unhappy 
circumstances,  by  which,  in  almost  in  every  instant  of  his  life, 
he  found  himself  embarrassed,  had  been  the  cause  of  his 
forming  this  design,  even  from  the  time  when,  being  called 
to  the  crown  by  the  death  of  Henry  III.,  he  considered  the 
humbling  of  the  house  of  Austria  as  absolutely  necessary 
for  his  security;  yet,  if  he  was  not  beholden  to  Elizabeth1' 
for  his  thought  of  the  design,  it  is,  however,  certain  that  this 
great  queen  had  herself  conceived  it  long  before,  as  a  means 
to  revenge  Europe  for  the  attempts  of  its  common  enemy. 
The  troubles  in  which  all  the  following  years  were  engaged, 
the  war  which  succeeded  in  1595,  and  that  against  Savoy 
after  the  peace  of  Vervins,  forced  Henry  into  difficulties 
which  obliged  him  to  lay  aside  all  thoughts  of  other  affairs ; 
and  it  was  not  till  after  his  marriage,  and  the  firm  reestab- 
lishment  of  peace,  that  he  renewed  his  thoughts  upon  his 
first  design,  to  execute  which  appeared  then  more  impos- 
sible, or  at  least  more  improbable,  than  ever. 

1  The  present  Duke  of  Sully  is  possessed  of  the  original  of  an  excel- 
lent letter  of  Henry  the  Great,  supposed  to  have  been  written  by  him 
to  Queen  Elizabeth,  though  this  princess  is  not  named,  either  in  the 
body  of  the  letter,  or  in  the  superscription,  which  is  in  these  words: 
"  To  her  who  merits  immortal  praise."  The  terms  in  which  Henry  herein 
speaks  of  a  certain  political  project,  which  he  calls  "  The  most  excellent 
and  rare  enterprise  that  ever  the  human  mind  conceived  —  a  thought 
rather  divine  than  human ; "  the  praises  which  he  bestows  upon  "  this 
discourse  so  well  connected  and  demonstrative  of  what  would  be  neces- 
sary for  the  government  of  empires  and  kingdoms" — on  those  "con- 
ceptions and  resolutions  "  from  which  nothing  less  may  be  hoped  than 
"  most  remarkable  issues  both  of  honour  and  glory," —  all  these  passages 
can  relate  to  none  but  Elizabeth,  nor  mean  any  other  than  the  great 
design  in  question,  concerning  which  it  evidently  appears  from  hence, 
that  the  Queen  of  England  had  by  letters  disclosed  her  thoughts  to 
Henry.  The  letter  from  which  these  extracts  are  taken  is  dated  from 
Paris,  the  nth  of  July,  but  without  the  date  of  the  year.  (Lettres  d'Henry 
le  Grand.) 


f 


16  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

He  nevertheless  communicated  it  by  letters  to  Eliza- 
beth,1  and  this  was  what  inspired  them  with  so  strong  an 
inclination  to  confer  together  in  1601,  when  this  princess 
came  to  Dover,  and  Henry  to  Calais.  What  the  ceremony 
of  an  interview  would  not  have  permitted  them  to  do,  I  at 
last  began  by  the  voyage  which  I  had  made  to  this  prin- 
cess. I  found  her  deeply  engaged  in  the  means  .by  which 
this  great  design  might  be  successfully  executed  ;(and,  not- 
withstanding the  difficulties  which  she  apprehended  in  its 
two  principal  points,  namely,  the  agreement  of  religions 
and  the  equality^ojTthe_rjowers,j  she  did  not  appear  to  me  at 
all  to  doubt  of  its  success,  which  she  chiefly  expected,  for 
a  reason  the  justness  of  which  I  have  since  been  well  con- 
vinced of ;  and  this  was,  that,  as  the  plan  was  really  only 
contrary  to  the  design  of  some  princes,  whose  ambitious 
views  were  sufficiently  known  to  Europe,  this  difficulty, 
from  which  the  necessity  of  the  design  more  evidently  ap- 
peared, would  rather  promote  than  retard  its  success.  She 
further  said,  that  its  execution  by  any  other  means  than 
that  of  arms,  would  be  very  desirable,  as  this  had  always 
something  odious  in  it :  but  she  confessed  that  indeed  it 
would  be  hardly  possible  to  begin  it  any  other  wise.  A 
very  great  number  of  the  articles,  conditions,  and  different 
dispositions  are  due  to  this  queen,  and  sufficiently  show, 
that  in  respect  of  wisdom,  penetration,  and  all  the  other 
perfections  of  the  mind,  she  was  not  inferior  to  any  king 
the  most  truly  deserving  of  that  title. 

It  must  indeed  be  considered  as  a  very  great  misfortune 
that  Henry  could  not  at  this  time  second  the  intentions 
of  the  Queen  of  England,  who  wished  to  have  the  design 
put  in  immediate  execution;  but  when  he  thus  laid  the 

1  Compare  the  above  with  what  is  said  on  p.  61. 


THE  GREAT   DESIGN   OF  HENRY  IV  l  J 

foundation  of  the  edifice,  he  scarcely  hoped  to  see  the  time 
when  the  finishing  hand  would  be  put  to  it.  The  recovery 
of  his  own  kingdom  from  the  various  maladies  by  which 
it  was  afflicted  was  a  work  of  several  years,  and  unhappily 
he  had  himself  seen  forty-eight  when  he  began  it ;  he  pur- 
sued it,  nevertheless,  with  the  greatest  vigour.  The  edict 
of  Nantes  had  been  published  with  this  view,  and  every 
other  means  was  used  which  might  gain  the  respect  and 
confidence  of  the  princes  of  Europe.  Henry  and  I,  at  the 
same  time,  applied  ourselves  with  indefatigable  labour  to 
regulate  the  interior  affairs  of  the  kingdom.  We  consid- 
ered the  death  of  the  King  of  Spain  as  the  most  favourable 
event  that  could  happen  for  our  design :  but  it  received  so 
violent  a  shock  by  the  death  of  Elizabeth,  as  had  like  to 
have  made  us  abandon  all  our  hopes.  Henry  had  no  ex- 
pectation that  the  powers  of  the  north,  nor  King  James, 
the  successor  of  Elizabeth  (when  he  was  acquainted  with 
his  character),  would  any  of  them  so  readily  consent  to 
support  him  in  his  design  as  this  princess  had  done?1'  How- 
ever, the  new  allies  which  he  daily  gained  in  Germany,  and 
even  in  Italy,  consoled  him  a  little  for  the  loss  of  Elizabeth^  ml*.*-*** 
The  truce  between  Spain  and  the  Low  Countries  may  also 
be  numbered  among  incidents  favourable  to  it. 

Yet,  if  we  consider  all  the  obstacles  which  afterwards 
arose  in  his  own  kingdom,  from  the  Protestants,  the  Cath- 
olics, the  clergy,  nay  even  from  his  own  council,  it  will 
appear  as  if  all  things  conspired  against  it.  "Will  it  be  be- 
lieved that  Henry  could  not  find  in  his  whole  council  one 
person,  besides  myself,  to  whom  he  could,  without  danger, 
disclose  the  whole  of  his  designs  ?  and  that  the  respect  due 
to  him  could  scarcely  restrain  those  who  appeared  most  de- 
voted to  his  service  from  treating  as  wild  and  extravagant 


1 8  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

chimeras  what  he  had  entrusted  to  them  with  the  greatest 
circumspection.  But  nothing  discouraged  him :  he  was  an 
abler  politician  and  a  better  judge  than  all  his  council,  and 
all  his  kingdom;  and  when  he  perceived  that,  notwith- 
standing all  these  obstacles,  affairs  began,  both  at  home 
and  abroad,  to  appear  in  a  favourable  situation,  he  then 
considered  the  success  as  infallible. 

(  Nor  will  this  his  judgment,  when  thoroughly  considered, 
be  found  so  presumptuous  as,  from  a  slight  examination, 
it  may  appear  to  some.  For  what  did  he  hereby  require 
of  Europe?  Nothing  more  than  that  it  should  promote 
the  means  by  which  he  proposed  to  fix  it  in  the  position, 
towards  which,  by  his  efforts,  it  had  for  some  time  tended. 
These  means  he  rendered  so  easy  of  execution  that  it  would 
scarcely  require  what  many  of  the  princes  of  Europe  would 
voluntarily  sacrifice  for  advantages  much  less  real,  less  cer- 
tain, and  less  durable.  What  they  would  gain  by  it,  besides 
the  inestimable  benefits  arising  from  peace,  would  greatly 
exceed  all  the  expenses  they  would  be  at.  What  reason 
then  could  any  of  them  have  to  oppose  it?  And  if  they 
did  not  oppose  it,  how  could  the  house  of  Austria  support 
itself  against  powers  in  whom  the  desire  and  pleasure  of 
depriving  it  of  that  strength  which  it  had  used  only  to  op- 
press them  would  have  raised  against  it  as  many  open  as 
it  had  secret  enemies  —  that  is,  the  whole  of  Europe? 
Nor  would  these  princes  have  any  reason  to  be  jealous  of 
the  restorer  of  their  liberty ;  for  he  was  so  far  from  seek- 
ing to  reimburse  himself  for  all  the  expenses  which  his 
generosity  would  hereby  engage  him  in,  that  his  inten- 
tion was  to  relinquish  voluntarily  and  for  ever  all  power  of 
augmenting  his  dominions ;  not  only  by  conquest,  but  by 
every  other  just  and  lawful  means.    By  this  he  would  have 


THE  GREAT  DESIGN   OF  HENRY  IV  19 

discovered  the  secret  of  convincing  all  his  neighbours  that 
his  whole  design  was  to  save  both  himself  and  them  those 
immense  sums  which  the  maintenance  of  so  many  thousand 
soldiers,  so  many  fortified  places,  and  so  many  military 
expenses  require;  to  free  them  for  ever  from  the  fear  of 
those  bloody  catastrophes  so  common  in  Europe ;  to  pro- 
cure them  an  uninterrupted  repose;  and  finally,  to  unite 
them  all  in  an  indissoluble  bond  of  security  and  friendship, 
after  which  they  might  live  together  like  brethren,  and 
reciprocally  visit  like  good  neighbours,  without  the  trouble 
of  ceremony,  and  without  the  expense  of  a  train  cf  attend- 
ants, which  princes  use  at  best  only  for  ostentation,  and 
frequently  to  conceal  their  misery.  Does  it  not  indeed 
reflect  shame  and  reproach  on  a  people  who  affect  to  be 
so  polished  and  refined  in  their  manners,  that  all  their  pre- 
tended wisdom  has  not  yet,  I  will  not  say  procured  them 
tranquillity,  but  only  guarded  them  from  those  barbarities 
which  they  detest  in  nations  the  most  savage  and  unculti- 
vated ?  And  to  destroy  these  pernicious  seeds  of  confusion 
and  disorder,  and  to  prevent  the  barbarities  of  which  they 
are  the  cause,  could  any  scheme  have  been  more  happily 
and  perfectly  contrived  than  that  of  Henry  the  Great  ?  \ 
Here  then  is  all  that  could  be  reasonably  expected  or 
required.  It  is  only  in  the  power  of  man  to  prepare  and 
act ;  success  is  the  work  of  a  more  mighty  hand.  Sensible 
people  cannot  be  blamed  for  being  prejudiced  in  favour  of 
the  scheme  in  question,  from  this  circumstance  only,  that 
it  was  formed  by  the  two  potentates  whom  posterity  will 
always  consider  as  the  most  perfect  models  of  the  art  of 
governing.  In  regard  to  Henry  in  particular,  I  insist  that 
it  belongs  only  to  princes  who,  like  him,  have  had  a  constant 
succession  of  obstacles  to  encounter  in  all  their  designs. 


20  THE  GREAT   DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

These,  I  say,  are  the  princes  who  alone  are  privileged  to 
judge  what  are  real  obstacles ;  and,  when  we  behold  them 
willing  to  lay  down  their  lives  in  support  of  their  opinions, 
surely  we  may  abide  by  their  sentiments,  without  fear  of 
being  deceived.  For  my  own  part,  I  shall  always  think 
with  regret,  that  France,  by  the  blow  which  it  received  by 
the  loss  of  this  great  prince,  was  deprived  of  a  glory  far 
superior  to  that  which  his  reign  had  acquired.1  ".There 
remains  only  to  explain  the  several  parts  of  the  design, 
and  the  manner  in  which  they  were  to  be  executed.  We 
will  begin  with  what  relates  to  religion. 
/  Two  religions  principally  prevail  in  Christendom,  the 
Roman  and  the  Reformed ;  but,  as  this  latter  has  admitted 
of  several  modifications  in  its  worship,  which  render  it,  if 
not  as  different  from  itself  as  from  the  Roman,  at  least  as 
far  from  being  reunited,  it  is  therefore  necessary  to  divide 
it  into  two,  one  of  which  may  be  called  the  Reformed,  and 
the  other  the  Protestant  religion.  The  manner  in  which 
these  three  religions  prevail  in  Europe  is  extremely  dif- 
ferent. Italy  and  Spain  remain  in  possession  of  the  Roman 
religion,  pure  and  without  mixture  of  any  other.  The  Re- 
formed religion  subsists  in  France  with  the  Roman,  only 
under  favour  of  the  edicts,  and  is  the  weakest.  England, 
Denmark,  Sweden,  the  Low  Countries,  and  Switzerland, 
have  also  a  mixture  of  the  same  kind,  but  with  this  differ- 
ence, that  in  them  the  Protestant  is  the  governing  religion, 
the  others  are  only  tolerated.    Germany  unites  all  these, 

1  From  hence  we  may  discover  what  credit  should  be  given  to  Siri, 
when  he  says  that  the  sole  passion  of  Henry  the  Great  was  to  amass 
riches ;  that  his  minister  forced  him  into  the  design  against  his  incli- 
nation; and  that  the  Duke  of  Sully,  whom  he  believes  to  be  the  sole 
author  of  it,  was  himself  prepossessed  in  its  favour  only  from  mere 
obstinacy,  or  perhaps  from  motives  of  self-interest. 


THE  GREAT  DESIGN   OF  HENRY  IV  21 

and  even  in  several  of  its  circles,  as  well  as  in  Poland, 
shows  them  equal  favour.  I  say  nothing  of  Muscovy  or 
Russia :  these  vast  countries,  which  are  not  less  than  six 
hundred  leagues  in  length,  and  four  hundred  in  breadth, 
being  in  great  part  still  idolaters,  and  in  part  schismatics, 
such  as  Greeks  and  Armenians,  who  have  introduced  so 
many  superstitious  practices  in  their  worship,  that  there 
scarcely  remains  any  conformity  with  us  among  them, 
besides  that  they  belong  to  Asia  at  least  as  much  as  to 
Europe ;  we  may  indeed  almost  consider  them  as  a  barba- 
rous country,  and  place  them  in  the  same  class  with  Turkey, 
though  for  these  five  hundred  years  we  have  ranked  them 
among  the  Christian  powers. 

Each  of  these  three  religions  being  now  established  in 
Europe  in  such  a  manner  that  there  is  not  the  least  appear- 
ance that  any  of  them  can  be  destroyed,  and  experience 
having  sufficiently  demonstrated  the  inutility  and  danger 
of  such  an  enterprise,  the  best  therefore  that  can  be  done 
is  to  preserve  and  even  strengthen  all  of  them,  in  such  a 
manner,  nevertheless,  that  this  indulgence  may  not  be- 
come an  encouragement  to  the  production  of  new  sects  or 
opinions,  which  should  carefully  be  suppressed  on  their 
first  appearance.  God  himself,  by  manifestly  supporting 
what  the  Catholics  were  pleased  to  call  the  new  religion, 
has  taught  us  this  conduct,  which  is  not  less  conformable 
to  the  Holy  Scriptures  than  confirmed  by  its  examples; 
and,  besides,  the  insurmountable  difficulty  of  forcing  the 
pope's  authority  to  be  received  in  those  places  where  it  is 
now  no  longer  acknowledged,  renders  what  is  here  proposed 
absolutely  necessary.  Several  cardinals  equally  sagacious 
and  zealous,  and  even  some  popes,  as  Clement  VIII.  and 
Paul  V.,  were  of  this  opinion. 


22  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 


fi 


All,  therefore,  that  remains  now  to  be  done,  is  to 
strengthen  the  nations,  who  have  made  choice  of  one  of 
these  religions,  in  the  principles  they  profess,  as  there  is 
nothing  in  all  respects  so  pernicious  as  a  libertX-ilL-Dclief ; 
and  those  nations,  whose  inhabitants  profess  several,  or 
all  these  religions,  should  be  careful  to  observe  those 
rules  which  they  find  necessary  to  remedy  the  ordinary 
inconveniences  of  a  toleration  which,  in  other  respects, 
they  probably  experience  to  be  beneficial.  Italy,  therefore, 
professing  the  Roman  religion,  and  being  moreover  the 
residence  of  the  popes,  should  preserve  this  religion  in  all 
its  purity,  and  there  would  be  no  hardship  in  obliging  all 
its  inhabitants  either  to  conform  to  it  or  quit  the  country. 
The  same  regulation,  very  nearly,  might  be  observed  in 
regard  to  Spain.  In  such  states  as  that  of  France,  where 
there  is  at  least  a  governing  religion,  whoever  should  think 
the  regulation  too  severe,  by  which  Calvinism  would  be 
always  subordinate  to  the  religion  of  the  prince,  might  be 
permitted  to  depart  the  country.  No  new  regulation  would 
be  necessary  in  any  of  the  other  nations ;  no  violence  on 
this  account,  but  liberty  unrestrained,  seeing  this  liberty  is 
become  even  a  fundamental  principle  in  their  governments. 

Thus  we  may  perceive  that  everything  on  this  head  might 
be  reduced  to  a  very  few  maxims,  so  much  the  more  certain 
and  invariable,  as  they  were  not  contrary  to  the  sentiments 
of  any  one.  The  Protestants  are  very  far  from  pretending 
to  force  their  religion  upon  any  of  their  neighbours,  by  whom 
it  is  not  voluntarily  embraced.  The  Catholics,  doubtless,  are 
of  the  same  sentiments,  and  the  pope  would  receive  no  in- 
jury in  being  deprived  of  what  he  confesses  himself  not  to 
have  possessed  for  a  long1  time.  His  sacrificing  these  chi- 
merical rights  would  be  abundantly  compensated  by  the 


THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV  23 

regal  dignity  with  which  it  would  be  proper  to  invest  him, 
and  by  the  honour  of  being  afterwards  the  common  medi- 
ator  between  all  the  Christian  princes,  a  dignity  which  he 
would  then  enjoy  without  jealousy,  and  for  which  it  must 
be  confessed  this  court,  by  its  sagacious  conduct,  has  shown 
itself  the  most  proper  of  any. 

Another  point  of  the  political  scheme,  which  also  con- 
cerns religion,  relates  to  the  infidel  princes  of  Europe,  and 
consists  in  forcing  those  entirely  out  of  it  who  refuse  to 
conform  to  any  of  the  Christian  doctrines  of  religion. 
Should  the  Grand  Duke  of  Muscovy,  or  Czar  of  Russia, 
who  is  believed  to  be  the  ancient  Khan  of  Scythia,  refuse 
to  enter  into  the  association  after  it  is  proposed  to  him,  he 
ought  to  be  treated  like  the  Sultan  of  Turkey,  deprived 
of  his  possessions  in  Europe,  and  confined  to  Asia  only, 
where  he  might,  as  long  as  he  pleased,  without  any  inter- 
ruption from  us,  continue  the  wars  in  which  he  is  almost 
constantly  engaged  against  the  Turks  and  Persians. 

To  succeed  in  the  execution  of  this,  which  will  not 
appear  difficult,  if  we  suppose  that  all  Christian  princes 
unanimously  concurred  in  it,  it  would  only  be  necessary 
for  each  of  them  to  contribute,  in  proportion  to  their  sev- 
eral abilities,  towards  the  support  of  the  forces,  and  all  the 
other  incidental  expenses,  which  the  success  of  such  an 
enterprise  might  require.  These  respective  quotas  were  to 
have  been  determined  by  a  general  council,  of  which  we 
shall  speak  hereafter.  The  following  is  what  Henry  the 
Great  had  himself  conceived  on  this  head.  The  pope,  for 
this  expedition,  should  furnish  eight  thousand  foot,  twelve 
hundred  horse,  ten  cannons,  and  ten  galleys ;  the  emperor 
and  the  circles  of  Germany,  sixty  thousand  foot,  twenty 
thousand  horse,  five  large  cannons,  and  ten  galleys  or  other 


24  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

vessels;  the  King  of  France  twenty  thousand  foot,  four 
thousand  horse,  twenty  cannons,  and  ten  ships  or  galleys ; 
Spain,  Britain,  Denmark,  Sweden,  and  Poland,  the  like 
number  with  France,  observing  only,  that  these  powers 
should  together  supply  what  belonged  to  the  sea  service 
in  the  manner  most  suitable  to  their  respective  conven- 
iences and  abilities  therein;  the  King  of  Bohemia  five 
thousand  foot,  fifteen  hundred  horse,  and  five  cannons; 
the  King  of  Hungary  twelve  thousand  foot,  five  thousand 
horse,  twenty  cannons,  and  six  ships ;  the  Duke  of  Savoy, 
or  King  of  Lombardy,  eight  thousand  foot,  fifteen  hundred 
horse,  eight  cannons,  and  six  galleys ;  the  republic  of  Venice 
ten  thousand  foot,  twelve  hundred  horse,  ten  cannons,  and 
twenty-five  galleys ;  the  republic  of  the  Swiss  cantons  fifteen 
thousand  foot,  five  thousand  horse,  and  twelve  cannons; 
the  republic  of  Holland  twelve  thousand  foot,  twelve  hun- 
dred horse,  twelve  cannons,  and  twelve  ships;  the  Italian 
republics  ten  thousand  foot,  twelve  hundred  horse,  ten 
cannons,  and  eight  galleys ;  the  whole  together  amounting 
to  about  two  hundred  and  seventy  thousand  foot,  fifty  thou- 
sand horse,  two  hundred  cannons,  and  one  hundred  and 
twenty  ships  or  galleys,  equipped  and  maintained  at  the 
expense  of  all  those  powers,  each  contributing  according 
to  his  particular  proportion. 

This  armament  of  the  princes  and  states  of  Europe 
appears  so  inconsiderable  and  so  little  burdensome,  when 
compared  with  the  forces  which  they  usually  keep  on  foot 
to  awe  their  neighbours,  or  perhaps  their  own  subjects, 
that  were  it  to  have  subsisted,  even  perpetually,  it  would 
not  have  occasioned  any  inconvenience,  and  would  have 
been  an  excellent  military  academy :  but,  besides  that  the 
enterprises  for  which  it  was  destined  would  not  always  have 


THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV  25 

continued,  the  number  and  expense  of  it  might  have  been 
diminished  in  proportion  to  the  necessities,  which  would 
always  have  been  the  same.  Though  I  am  persuaded  such 
an  armament  would  have  been  so  highly  approved  of  by 
all  these  princes,  that,  after  they  had  conquered  with  it 
whatever  they  would  not  suffer  any  stranger  should  share 
with  them  in  Europe,  they  would  have  sought  to  join  to 
it  such  parts  of  Asia  as  were  most  commodiously  situated, 
and  particularly  the  whole  coast  of  Africa,  which  is  too 
near  to  our  own  territories  for  us  not  to  be  frequently 
incommoded  by  it.  The  only  precaution  to  be  observed 
in  regard  to  these  additional  countries  would  have  been  to 
form  them  into  new  kingdoms,  declare  them  united  with 
the  rest  of  the  Christian  powers,  and  bestow  them  on  dif- 
ferent princes,  carefully  observing  to  exclude  those  who 
before  bore  rank  among  the  sovereigns  of  Europe. 

That  part  of  the  design  which  may  be  considered  as  purely 
political,  turned  almost  entirely  on  a  first  preliminary,  which, 
I  think,  would  not  have  met  with  more  difficulty  than  the 
preceding  article.  This  was  to  divest  the  housej)f^ Austria 
of  the  empire,  and  of  all  the  possessions  inj}ermany,  Italy, 
and  the  Low  Countries :  in  a  word,  to  reduce  it  to  the  sole 
kingdom  of  Spain,  bounded  by  the  Ocean,  the  Mediter- 
ranean, and  the  Pyreneean  mountains.  But  that  it  might, 
nevertheless,  be  equally  powerful  with  the  other  sovereign- 
ties of  Europe,  it  should  have  Sardinia,  Majorca,  Minorca, 
and  the  other  islands  on  its  own  coasts ;  the  Canaries,  the 
Azores,  and  Cape  Verd,  with  its  possessions  in  Africa; 
Mexico,  and  the  American  islands  which  belong  to  it, 
countries  which  alone  might  suffice  to  found  great  king- 
doms; finally,  the  Philippines,  Goa,  the  Moluccas,  and  its 
other  possessions  in  Asia. 


26  THE  GREAT  DESIGN   OF  HENRY  IV 

'/  From  hence  a  method  seems  to  present  itself,  by  which 
the  house  of  Austria  might  be  indemnified  for  what  it  would 
be  deprived  of  in  Europe,  which  is  to  increase  its  dominions 
in  the  three  other  parts  of  the  world,  by  assisting  it  to  ob- 
tain, and  by  declaring  it  the  sole  proprietor,  both  of  what 
we  do  know,  and  what  we  may  hereafter  discover  in  those 
parts.  We  may  suppose  that  on  this  occasion  it  would  not 
have  been  necessary  to  use  force  to  bring  this  house  to 
concur  in  such  a  design ;  and,  indeed,  even  on  this  suppo- 
sition, it  was  not  the  prince  of  this  house  reigning  in  Spain 
to  whom  these  parts  of  the  world  were  to  be  subjected,  but 
to  different  princes  of  the  same,  or  of  different  branches, 
who,  in  acknowledgment  of  their  possessions,  should  only 
have  rendered  homage  to  the  crown  of  Spain,  or,  at  most, 
a  tribute,  as  due  to  the  original  conquerors.  This  house, 
which  is  so  very  desirous  of  being  the  most  powerful  in 
the  world,  might  hereby  have  continued  to  flatter  itself 
with  so  pleasing  a  pre-eminence,  without  the  other  powers 
being  endangered  by  its  pretended  grandeur. 

The  steps  taken  by  the  house  of  Austria  to  arrive  at  uni- 
versal monarchy,  which  evidently  appears  from  the  whole 
conduct  of  Charles  V.  and  his  son,  have  rendered  this 
severity  as  just  as  it  is  necessary;  and  I  will  venture  to 
say  that  this  house  would  not  have  had  any  reasonable 
cause  to  complain  of  it.  It  is  true  it  would  be  deprived  of 
the  empire ;  but  when  impartially  considered,  it  will  appear 
that  all  the  other  princes  of  Germany,  and  even  of  Europe, 
have  an  equal  right  to  it.  Were  it  necessary  to  prove  this, 
we  need  only  recollect  on  what  conditions  Charles  V.  him- 
self, the  most  powerful  of  them  all,  was  acknowledged 
emperor ;  conditions  which,  at  Smalcalde,  he  solemnly  swore 
to  observe,  in  presence  of  seven  princes  or  electors,  and 


THE  GREAT   DESIGN   OF  HENRY  IV  2J 

the  deputies  of  twenty-four  Protestant  towns ;  the  Land- 
grave of  Hesse  and  the  Prince  of  Anhalt  being  speakers 
for  all  of  them.  He  swore,  I  say,  never  to  act  contrary  to 
the  established  laws  of  the  empire,  particularly  the  famous 
golden  bull  obtained  under  Charles  IV.,  unless  it  were  to 
amplify  them,  and  even  that  only  with  the  express  consent 
and  advice  of  the  sovereign  princes  of  Germany;  not  to 
infringe  nor  deprive  them  of  any  of  their  privileges ;  not  to 
introduce  foreigners  into  their  council ;  not  to  make  either 
war  or  peace  without  their  consent ;  not  to  bestow  honours 
and  employments  but  on  natives  of  Germany ;  not  to  use 
any  other  but  the  German  language  in  all  writings ;  not  to 
levy  any  taxes  by  his  own  authority,  nor  apply  any  con- 
quests which  might  be  made  to  his  own  particular  profit. 
He,  in  particular,  formally  renounced  all  pretensions  to 
hereditary  right  in  his  house  to  the  imperial  dignity;  and, 
according  to  the  second  article  of  the  golden  bull,  he  swore 
never  in  his  lifetime  to  recognise  a  king  of  the  Romans. 
When  the  Protestants  of  Germany,  after  they  had  in  a 
manner  driven  Ferdinand  out  of  it,  consented  that  the 
imperial  crown  should  be  placed  on  his  head,  they  were 
careful  to  make  him  renew  his  engagements  in  regard  to 
all  these  articles,  and  to  all  these  new  regulations  relative 
to  the  free  exercise  of  their  religion. 

As  to  the  possessions  of  the  house  of  Austria  in  Ger- 
many, Italy,  and  the  Low  Countries,  of  which  it  was  to  be 
deprived,  not  to  mention  here  how  much  it  is  indebted 
for  them  to  a  tyrannical  usurpation,  it  would,  after  all,  be 
only  depriving  it  of  territories  which  it  keeps  at  so  pro- 
digious an  expense  (I  speak  in  particular  of  Italy  and  the 
Low  Countries),  as  all  its  treasures  of  the  Indies  have  not 
been  able  to  defray :  and  besides,  by  investing  it  with  the 


28  THE   GREAT   DESIGN   OF  HENRY  IV 

exclusive  privilege  above  mentioned,  of  gaining  new  estab- 
lishments, and  appropriating  to  its  own  use  the  mines  and 
treasures  of  the  three  other  parts  of  the  world,  it  would  be 
abundantly  indemnified ;  for  these  new  acquisitions  would 
be  at  least  as  considerable,  and  undoubtedly  far  more  rich, 
than  those.  But  what  is  here  proposed  must  not  be  under- 
stood as  if  the  other  nations  of  Europe  were  excluded  from 
all  commerce  to  those  countries ;  on  the  contrary,  it  should 
be  free  and  open  to  every  one,  and  the  house  of  Austria, 
instead  of  considering  this  stipulation,  which  is  of  the 
greatest  consequence,  as  an  infringement  of  its  privileges, 
would  rather  have  reason  to  regard  it  as  a  further  advantage. 

From  a  further  examination  and  consideration  of  these 
dispositions,  I  do  not  doubt  but  the  house  of  Austria  would 
have  accepted  the  proposed  conditions  without  being  forced 
to  it.  But,  supposing  the  contrary,  what  would  a  resistance 
have  signified?  The  promise  made  to  all  the  princes  of 
Europe,  of  enriching  themselves  by  the  territories  of  which 
this  house  was  to  be  divested,  would  deprive  it  of  all  hopes 
of  assistance  from  any  of  them. 

Upon  the  whole,  then,  it  appears  that  all  parties  would 
have  been  gainers  by  it,  and  this  was  what  assured  Henry 
the  Great  of  the  success  of  his  design :  the  empire  would 
again  become  a  dignity  to  which  all  princes,  but  particu- 
larly those  of  Germany,  might  aspire :  and  this  dignity 
would  be  so  much  the  more  desirable,  though,  according 
to  its  original  institution,  no  revenues  would  be  annexed  to 
it,  as  the  emperor  would  be  declared  the  first  and  chief 
magistrate  of  the  whole  Christian  republic ;  and  as  we  may 
suppose  this  honour  would  afterwards  be  conferred  only  on 
the  most  worthy,  all  his  privileges  in  this  respect,  instead 
of  being  diminished,  would  be  enlarged,  his  authority  over 


THE  GREAT   DESIGN   OF  HENRY  IV  29 

the  Belgic  and  Helvetic  republics  would  be  more  consider- 
able, and  upon  every  new  election  they  would  be  obliged 
to  render  him  a  respectful  homage.  The  electors  would 
still  continue  to  enjoy  the  right  of  electing  the  emperor, 
as  well  as  of  nominating  the  King  of  the  Romans,  with 
this  restriction  only,  — that  the  election  should  not  be  made 
twice  successively  out  of  the  same  family.  The  first  to  have 
been  elected  in  this  manner  was  the  Elector  of  Bavaria,  who 
was  also,  in  consequence  of  the  partition,  to  have  had  those 
territories  possessed  by  the  house  of  Austria  which  joined 
to  his  own  on  the  side  of  Italy. 

The  rest  of  these  territories  were  to  have  been  divided 
and  equally  distributed  by  the  Kings  of  France,  England, 
Denmark,  and  Sweden,  among  the  Venetians,  the  Grisons, 
the  Duke  of  Wurtemberg,  and  the  Marquis  of  Baden,  Ans- 
pach,  and  Dourlach.  Bohemia  was  to  have  been  constituted 
an  elective  kingdom,  by  annexing  it  to  Moravia,  Silesia, 
and  Lusatia.  Hungary  was  also  to  have  been  an  elective 
kingdom,  and  the  pope,  the  Emperor,  the  Kings  of  France, 
England,  Denmark,  Sweden,  and  Lombardy,  were  to  have 
had  the  right  of  nomination  to  it ;  and  because  this  kingdom 
may  be  considered  as  the  barrier  of  Christendom  against 
the  infidels,  it  was  to  have  been  rendered  the  most  powerful 
and  able  to  resist  them ;  and  this  was  to  have  been  done 
by  immediately  adding  to  it  the  Archduchy  of  Austria, 
Styria,  Carinthia,  and  Carniola,  and  by  afterwards  incorpo- 
rating with  it  whatever  might  be  acquired  in  Transylvania, 
Bosnia,  Sclavonia,  and  Croatia.  The  same  electors  were  to 
have  obliged  themselves,  by  oath,  to  assist  it  upon  all  occa- 
sions ;  and  they  were  to  have  been  particularly  careful  never 
to  grant  their  suffrages  from  partiality,  artifice,  or  intrigue, 
but  always  to  confer  the  dignity  on  a  prince  who,  by  his 


30  THE  GREAT   DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

great  qualifications,  particularly  for  war,  should  be  gener- 
ally acknowledged  as  most  proper.  Poland  being,  from 
its  nearness  to  Turkey,  Muscovy,  and  Tartary,  in  the  same 
situation  with  Hungary,  was  also  to  have  been  an  elective 
kingdom,  by  the  same  eight  potentates,  and  its  power 
was  to  have  been  augmented,  by  annexing  to  it  whatever 
should  be  conquered  from  the  infidels  adjoining  to  its  own 
frontiers,  and  by  determining  in  its  favour  those  disputes 
which  it  had  with  all  its  other  neighbours.  Switzerland, 
when  augmented  by  Franche-Comt£,  Alsace,  the  Tyrol, 
and  other  territories,  was  to  have  been  united  into  a  sover- 
eign republic,  governed  by  a  council  or  senate,  of  which 
the  emperor,  the  princes  of  Germany,  and  the  Venetians 
were  to  have  been  umpires. 

The  changes  to  be  made  in  Italy  were,  that  the  pope_ 
should  be  declared  a  secular  prince,  and  bear  rank  among 
the  monarchs  of  Europe,  and  under  this  title  should  pos- 
sess Naples,  Apulia,  Calabria,  and  all  their  dependencies, 
which  should  be  indissolubly  united  to  St.  Peter's  patri- 
mony ;  but  in  case  the  holy  father  had  opposed  this,  which, 
indeed,  could  scarcely  have  been  supposed,  the  disposition 
must  then  have  been  changed,  and  the  kingdom  of  Naples 
would  have  been  divided  and  disposed  of  as  the  electoral 
kings  should  have  determined.  Sicily  was  to  have  been 
ceded  to  the  republic  of  Venice,  by  letters  from  the  same 
eight  principal  potentates,  upon  condition  that  it  should 
render  homage  for  it  to  every  pope  who  should  bear  the 
title  of  Immediate  Chief  of  the  whole  Italian  Republic, 
otherwise,  for  this  reason,  called  The  Republic  of  the 
Church.  The  other  members  of  this  republic  were  to  have 
been  Genoa,  Florence,  Mantua,  Modena,  Parma,  and  Lucca, 
without  any  alterations  in  their  government ;  Bologna  and 


THE  GREAT  DESIGN   OF  HENRY  IV  31 

Ferrara  were  to  have  been  made  free  cities ;  and  all  these 
governments  were  every  twenty  years  to  have  rendered 
homage  to  the  pope  their  chief,  by  the  gift  of  a  crucifix 
of  the  value  of  ten  thousand  crowns. 

Of  the  three  great  republics  of  Europe  it  appears,  upon 
the  first  glance,  that  this  would  have  been  the  most  brilliant 
and  the  richest.  Nevertheless,  it  would  not  have  been  so, 
for  what  belonged  to  the  Duke  of  Savoy  was  not  comprised 
herein.  His  territories  were  to  have  been  constituted  one 
of  the  great  monarchies  of  Europe,  hereditary  to  males  and 
females,  and  to  have  borne  the  title  of  the  kingdom  of  Lom- 
bardy,  wherein,  beside  the  territory  so  called,  the  Milanese 
and  Montferrat  would  also  have  been  comprised ;  and  the 
Duke  of  Mantua,  in  exchange  for  these,  was  to  have  the 
Duchy  of  Cremona.  An  authentic  testimony  of  the  insti- 
tution would  have  been  given  by  the  pope,  the  emperor, 
and  the  other  sovereigns  of  the  Christian  republic. 

Among  all  these  different  dismemberings  we  may  ob- 
serve that  France  received  nothing  for  itself  but  the  glory 
of  distributing  them  with  equity.  Henry  had  declared  this*' 
to  be  his  intention  long  before.  He  even  sometimes  said, 
with  equal  moderation  and  good  sense,  that  were  these 
dispositions  once  firmly  established,  he  would  have  volun- 
tarily consented  to  have  the  extent  of  France  determined 
by  a  majority  of  suffrages.1  Nevertheless,  as  the  districts 
of  Artois,  Hainault,  Cambray,  Cambresis,  Tournay,  Na- 
mur,  and  Luxembourg  might  more  suitably  be  annexed  to 

1  What  then  does  Siri  mean  when  he  entertains  us  with  the  design 
which  he  falsely  affirms  Henry  the  Great  had  to  join  Lorraine  to  France 
(torn.  i.  p.  555),  and  to  get  Savoy  ceded  to  him  (torn.  ii.  p.  61)?  What 
he  says  of  the  dispositions  in  regard  to  the  pope  and  the  Venetians,  &c. 
(torn.  ii.  p.  180),  is  equally  false.  This  writer  seems  indeed  to  have  been 
in  the  pay  of  the  house  of  Austria. 


4 


32  THE  GREAT   DESIGN   OF  HENRY  IV 

France  than  to  any  other  nation,  they  were  to  have  been 
ceded  to  Henry,  but  to  have  been  divided  into  ten  distinct 
governments,  and  bestowed  on  so  many  French  princes  or 
lords,  all  of  them  bearing  rank  as  sovereigns. 

In  regard  to  England  it  was  precisely  the  same :  this 
was  a  determined  point  between  Elizabeth  and  Henry,  the 
two  princes  who  were  authors  of  the  scheme,  probably  from 
an  observation  made  by  this  queen,  that  the  Britannic  Isles, 
in  all  the  different  states  through  which  they  had  passed, 
whether  under  one  or  several  monarchs,  elective  or  heredi- 
tary, as  well  in  the  male  as  female  line,  and  in  all  the 
variations  of  their  laws  and  policy,  had  never  experienced 
any  great  disappointments  or  misfortunes  but  when  their 
sovereigns  had  meddled  in  affairs  out  of  their  little  conti- 
nent. It  seems,  indeed,  as  if  they  were  concentred  in  it 
even  by  nature,  and  their  happiness  appears  to  depend 
entirely  on  themselves,  without  having  any  concerns  with 
their  neighbours,  provided  that  they  seek  only  to  maintain 
peace  in  the  three  nations  subject  to  them,  by  governing 
each  according  to  its  own  laws  and  customs.  To  render 
everything  equal  between  France  and  England,  Brabant 
from  the  Duchy  of  Limbourg,  the  jurisdiction  of  Malines, 
and  the  other  dependencies  on  Flemish  Flanders,  Gallican 
or  imperial,  were  to  have  been  formed  into  eight  sovereign 
fiefs,  to  be  given  to  so  many  princes  or  lords  of  this  nation. 

These  two  parts  excepted,  all  the  rest  of  the  seventeen 
United  Provinces,  whether  belonging  to  Spain  or  not,  were 
to  have  been  erected  into  a  free  and  independent  state, 
under  the  title  of  the  Belgic  republic,  though  there  was 
one  other  fief  to  be  formed  from  them,  bearing  the  title 
of  a  principality,  to  be  granted  to  the  Prince  of  Orange; 
also  some  other  inconsiderable  indemnities  for  three  or  four 


THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 


33 


other  persons.  The  succession  of  Cleves  was  to  have  been 
divided  among  those  princes  whom  the  emperor  would  have 
deprived  of.  it,  as  the  means  of  gratifying  them  at  the  ex- 
pense of  the  house  of  Austria,  as  well  as  some  other  princes 
of  the  same  district,  to  whom  the  imperial  towns  situated 
therein  would  have  been  granted.  Even  Sweden  and  Den- 
mark, though  they  were  to  be  considered  as  under  the 
influence  of  the  same  law  which  England  and  France  had 
imposed  on  themselves,  would,  by  this  distribution,  have 
enlarged  their  territories,  and  acquired  other  considerable 
advantages.  An  end  would  have  been  put  to  the  perpetual 
troubles  which  agitated  these  two  kingdoms;  and  this,  I 
think,  would  have  been  rendering  them  no  inconsiderable 
service.  All  these  cessions,  exchanges,  and  transpositions 
towards  the  north  of  Germany  were  to  have  been  deter- 
mined by  the  Kings  of  France,  England,  and  Lombardy, 
and  the  republic  of  Venice. 

And  now,  perhaps,  the  purport  of  the  design  may  be 
perceived,  which  was  to  divide  Europe  equally  among  a 
certain  number  of  powers,  in  such  a  manner  that  none  of 
them  might  have  cause  either  of  envy  or  fear  from  the 
possessions  or  power  of  the  others.  The  number  of  them 
was  reduced  to  fifteen,  and  they  *were  of  three  kinds :  six 
great  hereditary  monarchies,  five  elective  monarchies,  and 
four  sovereign  republics.  The  six  hereditary  monarchies 
were  France,  Spain,  England  or  Britain,  Denmark,  Sweden, 
and  Lombardy ;  the  five  elective  monarchies  were  the  Em- 
pire, the  Papacy  or  Pontificate,  Poland,  Hungary,  and 
Bohemia ;  the  four  republics  were  the  Venetian,  the  Italian 
—  or  what,  from  its  dukes,  may  be  called  the  Ducal  —  the 
Swiss,  Helvetic,  or  Confederate,  and  the  Belgic,  or  Pro- 
vincial republic.  \ 


J 


34  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

The  laws  and  ordinances  proper  to  cement  a  union  be- 
tween all  these  princes,  and  to  maintain  that  harmony 
which  should  be  once  established  among  them,  the  recip- 
rocal oaths  and  engagements  in  regard  both  to  religion  and 
policy,  the  mutual  assurances  in  respect  to  the  freedom  of 
commerce,  and  the  measures  to  be  taken  to  make  all  these 
partitions  with  equity  and  to  the  general  content  and  satis- 
faction of  the  parties ;  all  these  matters  are  to  be  understood, 
nor  is  it  necessary  to  say  anything  of  the  precaution  taken 
by  Henry  in  regard  to  them.  The  most  that  could  have 
happened  would  have  been  some  trifling  difficulties,  which 
would  easily  have  been  obviated  in  the  general  council, 
representing  all  the  states  of  Europe,  the  establishment  of 
which  was  certainly  the  happiest  invention  that  could  have 
been  conceived  to  prevent  those  innovations  which  time 
often  introduces  in  the  wisest  and  most  useful  institutions. 

The  model  of  this  general  council  of  Europe  had  been 
formed  on  that  of  the  ancient  Amphyctions  of  Greece, 
with  such  alterations  only  as  rendered  it  suitable  to  our 
customs,  climate,  and  policy.  It  consisted  of  a  certain 
number  of  commissioners,  ministers,  or  plenipotentiaries 
from  all  the  governments  of  the  Christian  republic,  who 
were  to  be  constantly  assembled  as  a  senate,  to  deliberate 
on  any  affairs  which  might  occur,  to  discuss  the  different 
interests,  pacify  the  quarrels,  clear  up  and  determine  all 
the  civil,  political,  and  religious  affairs  of  Europe,  whether 
within  itself  or  with  its  neighbours.  The  form  and  man- 
ner of  proceeding  in  the  senate  would  have  been  more 
particularly  determined  by  the  suffrages  of  the  senate  itself. 
Henry  was  of  opinion  that  it  should  be  composed  of  four 
commissioners  from  each  of  the  following  potentates  :  the 
Emperor,  the  Pope,  the  Kings  of  France,  Spain,  England, 


THE  GREAT   DESIGN   OF  HENRY  IV  35 

Denmark,  v  Sweden,  Lombardy,  Poland,  and  the  republic 
of  Venice ;  and  of  two  only  from  the  other  republics  and 
inferior  powers,  which  altogether  would  have  composed  a 
senate  of  about  sixty-six  persons,  who  should  have  been 
re-chosen  every  three  years. 

In  regard  to  the  place  of  meeting,  it  remained  to  be 
determined  whether  it  would  be  better  for  the  council  to 
be  fixed  or  ambulatory,  divided  into  three,  or  united  in 
one.  If  it  were  divided  into  three,  each  containing  twenty- 
two  magistrates,  then  each  of  them  must  have  been  fixed 
in  such  a  centre  as  should  appear  to  be  most  commodious, 
as  Paris  or  Bourges  for  one,  and  somewhere  about  Trente 
and  Cracovia  for  the  two  others.  If  it  were  judged  more 
expedient  not  to  divide  their  assembly,  whether  fixed  or 
ambulatory,  it  must  have  been  nearly  in  the  centre  of 
Europe,  and  would  consequently  have  been  fixed  in  some 
one  of  the  fourteen  cities  following  :  Metz,  Luxembourg, 
Nancy,  Cologne,  Mayence,  Treves,  Frankfort,  Wirtzbourg, 
Heidelberg,  Spire,  Worms,  Strasbourg,  Basle,  or  Besancon. 

Besides  this  general  council  it  would,  perhaps,  have  been 
proper  to  have  constituted  some  others  of  an  inferior  de- 
gree, for  the  particular  convenience  of  different  districts. 
For  example,  were  six  such  created,  they  might  have  been 
placed  at  Dantzic,  Nuremberg,  Vienna,  Bologna,  Con- 
stance, and  the  last  wherever  it  should  be  judged  most 
convenient  for  the  kingdoms  of  France,  Spain,  England, 
and  the  Belgic  republic.  But  whatever  the  number  or  form 
of  these  particular  councils  might  have  been,  it  would  have 
been  absolutely  necessary  that  they  should  be  subordinate, 
and  -recur,  by  appeal,  to  the  great  general  council,  whose 
decisions,  when  considered  as  proceeding  from  the  united 
authority  of  all  the  sovereigns,  pronounced  in  a  manner 


36  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

equally  free  and  absolute,  must  have  been  regarded  as  so 
many  final  and  irrevocable  decrees. 

But  let  us  quit  these  speculative  designs,  in  which  prac- 
tice and  experience  would,  perhaps,  have  caused  many  al- 
terations ;  and  let  us  come  to  the  means  actually  employed 
by  Henry  to  facilitate  the  execution  of  his  great  design. 

To  gain  one  of  the  most  powerful  princes  of  Europe, 
with  whom  to  concert  all  his  designs,  was  what  Henry 
always  considered  as  of  the  utmost  consequence  :  and  this 
was  the  reason  that  after  the  death  of  Elizabeth,  who  had 
indissolubly  united  the  interests  of  the  two  crowns  of  France 
and  England,  every  means  was  used  which  might  inspire 
her  successor,  King  James,  with  all  her  sentiments.  Had 
I  but  succeeded  in  the  solemn  embassy,  the  particulars  of 
which  I  have  related  already,  so  far  as  to  have  gained 
this  prince's  consent  to  have  his  name  appear  openly  with 
Henry's,  this  military  confederacy,  especially  if  it  had,  in 
like  manner,  been  strengthened  with  the  names  of  the 
Kings  of  Denmark  and  Sweden,  would  have  prevented 
the  troubles  and  difficulties  of  many  negotiations  ;  but 
nothing  further  could  be  obtained  of  the  King  of  England 
than  the  same  promises  which  were  required  of  the  other 
courts,  namely,  that  he  would  not  only  not  oppose  the  con- 
federacy, but,  when  Henry  had  made  his  designs  public, 
would  declare  himself  in  his  favour,  and  contribute  towards 
it  in  the  same  manner  as  the  other  powers  interested 
therein.  A  means  was,  indeed,  afterwards  found  to  ob- 
tain the  execution  of  this  promise,  in  a  manner  so  much 
the  more  easy  as  it  did  not  disturb  the  natural  indolence 
of  this  prince  ;  and  this  was  by  getting  what  he  hesitated 
to  undertake  in  his  own  name  executed  by  his  son,  the 
Prince  of  Wales,  who,  as  soon  as  he  had  obtained  his 


THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV  37 

father's  promise  that  he  would  at  least  not  obstruct  his 
proceedings,  anticipated  Henry's  utmost  wishes,  being 
animated  with  a  thirst  of  glory  and  desire  to  rende'r  him- 
self worthy  the  esteem  and  alliance  of  Henry,  for  he  was 
to  marry  the  eldest  of  the  daughters  of  France.  He  wrote 
me  several  letters  upon  this  subject,  and  expressed  him- 
self in  the  manner  I  have  mentioned.  He  also  further 
said  that  the  King  of  France  might  depend  upon  having  six 
thousand  foot  and  fifteen  hundred  horse,  which  he  would 
oblige  himself  to  bring  into  his  service  whenever  they 
should  be  required  :  and  this  number  was  afterwards  aug- 
mented by  two  thousand  more  foot  and  eight  cannons, 
maintained  in  all  respects  at  the  expense  of  England  for 
three  years  at  least.  The  King  of  Sweden  did  not  show 
himself  less  zealous  for  the  common  cause  ;  and  the  King 
of  Denmark  also  appeared  to  be  equally  well  disposed  in 
its  favour. 

In  the  mean  time  we  were  indefatigable  in  our  negotia- 
tions in  the  different  courts  of  Europe,  particularly  in  the 
circles  of  Germany  and  the  United  Provinces,  where  the 
king  for  this  purpose  had  sent  Boissise,  Fresne-Canaye, 
Baugy,  Ancel,  and  Bongars.  The  council  of  the  States 
were  very  soon  unanimous  in  their  determinations  ;  the 
Prince  of  Orange  sent  the  Sieurs  Malderet  and  Brederode 
from  them  to  offer  the  king  fifteen  thousand  foot  and 
three  thousand  horse.  They  were  soon  followed  by  the 
Landgrave  of  Hesse,  and  the  Prince  of  Anhalt,  to  whom, 
as  well  as  to  the  Prince  of  Orange,  the  confederacy  was 
obliged  for  being  increased  by  the  Duke  of  Savoy ;  by  all 
the  Reformed  religion  in  Hungary,  Bohemia,  and  Lower 
Austria ;  by  many  Protestant  princes  and  towns  in  Ger- 
many ;  in  fine,  by  all  the  Swiss  cantons  of  this  religion. 


38  THE  GREAT   DESIGN   OF  HENRY  IV 

And  when  the  succession  of  Cleves,  which  the  emperor 
showed  himself  disposed  to  usurp,  became  another  incen- 
tive to  the  confederacy,  there  was  then  scarcely  any  part 
of  Germany  that  was  not  for  us  ;  which  evidently  appeared 
from  the  result  of  the  general  assembly  at  Hall.  The 
Elector  of  Saxony,  who  perhaps  remained  alone  of  the 
opposite  party,  might  have  been  embarrassed  in  an  affair 
out  of  which  he  would  probably  have  found  it  difficult  to 
extricate  himself ;  and  this  was  to  have  been  done  by  sug- 
gesting to  him  the  branch  of  John  Frederic,  deprived  of 
this  electorate  by  Charles  V. 

There  were  several  of  these  powers  in  regard  to  whom 
I  am  persuaded  nothing  would  have  been  risked  by  dis- 
closing to  them  the  whole  intent  and  scope  of  the  design. 
On  the  contrary,  they  would  probably  have  seconded  it 
with  the  greater  ardour  when  they  found  the  destruction 
of  the  Austrian  grandeur  was  a  determined  point.  These 
powers  were,  more  particularly,  the  Venetians,  the  United 
Provinces,  almost  all  the  Protestants,  and  especially  the 
Evangelics  of  Germany.  But  as  too  many  precautions 
could  not  be  taken  to  prevent  the  Catholic  powers  from 
being  prejudiced  against  the  new  alliance  in  which  they 
were  to  be  engaged,  a  too  hasty  discovery  either  of  the 
true  motives,  or  the  whole  intent  of  the  design,  was,  there- 
fore, cautiously  avoided.  It  was  at  first  concealed  from  all 
without  exception,  and  afterwards  revealed  but  to  few  per- 
sons of  approved  discretion,  and  those  only  such  as  were 
absolutely  necessary  to  engage  others  to  join  the  confed- 
eracy. The  association  was  for  a  long  time  spoken  of  to 
others  only  as  a  kind  of  general  treaty  of  peace,  wherein 
such  methods  would  be  projected  as  the  public  benefit  and 
the  general  service  of  Europe  might  suggest  as  necessary 


THE   GREAT   DESIGN   OF  HENRY  IV  39 

to  stop  the  progress  of  the  excessive  powers  of  the  house 
of  Austria.  Our  ambassadors  and  agents  had  orders  only 
to  demand  of  these  princes  a  renewal  or  commencement 
of  alliance,  in  order  more  effectually  to  succeed  in  the  pro- 
jected peace  ;  to  consult  with  them  upon  the  means  whereby 
to  effect  it ;  to  appear  as  if  they  were  sent  only  in  con- 
junction with  them  to  endeavour  the  discovery  of  these 
means  ;  but  yet  to  second  them,  and  according  to  the  dis- 
position in  which  they  were,  to  insinuate,  as  if  by  acciden- 
tal conjecture,  some  notion  of  a  new  method  more  proper 
to  maintain  the  equilibrium  of  Europe,  and  to  secure  to 
each  religion  a  more  undisturbed  repose  than  they  had 
hitherto  enjoyed.  The  proposals  made  to  the  Kings  of 
England  and  Sweden,  and  the  Dukes  of  Savoy  and  Lor- 
raine, for  alliances  by  marriage,  proved  very  successful ; 
it  was  absolutely  determined  that  the  Dauphin  should 
espouse  the  heiress  of  Lorraine,  which  duchy  still  con- 
tinued, as  before,  to  depend  on  the  empire. 

But  no  precaution  appeared  so  necessary,  nor  was  more 
strongly  recommended  to  our  negotiators,  than  to  con- 
vince all  the  princes  of  Europe  of  the  disinterestedness 
with  which  Henry  was  resolved  to  act  on  this  occasion. 
This  point  was  indefatigably  laboured,  and  they  were  con- 
vinced of  it,  when,  on  the  supposition  that  it  would  be 
necessary  to  have  recourse  to  arms,  we  strongly  protested 
that  the  forces,  the  treasures,  and  even  the  person  of  Henry 
might  be  depended  on  ;  and  this  in  a  manner  so  generous 
on  his  side,  that,  instead  of  expecting  to  be  rewarded,  or 
even  indemnified  for  them,  he  was  voluntarily  inclined  to 
give  the  most  positive  assurances  not  to  reserve  to  him- 
self a  single  town,  nor  the  smallest  district.  This  modera- 
tion, of  which  at  last  no  one  doubted,  made  a  suitable 


40  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

impression,  especially  when  it  was  perceived  to  be  so 
much  the  more  generous,  as  there  was  sufficient  to  excite 
and  satisfy  the  desires  of  all.  And  in  the  interim,  before 
the  solemn  publication  of  this  absolute  renunciation,  which 
was  to  have  been  made  in  the  manifestoes  that  were  pre- 
paring, Henry  gave  a  proof  of  it,  that  was  an  absolute 
demonstration,  to  the  pope. 

No  one  being  ignorant  that  it  was  at  least  intended  to 
deprive  Spain  of  those  of  its  usurpations  which  were  the 
most  manifestly  unjust,  Navarre  and  Roussillon  would  in- 
fallibly revert  to  France  ;  the  king,  therefore,  voluntarily 
offered  to  exchange  them  for  the  two  kingdoms  of  Naples 
and  Sicily ;  and  at  the  same  time  to  make  a  present  of 
both  to  the  pope  and  the  republic  of  Venice.  This,  cer- 
tainly, was  renouncing  the  most  incontestable  right  he 
could  have  to  any  of  the  territories  of  which  this  crown 
was  to  be  deprived ;  and  by  submitting  this  affair  as  he 
did  to  the  determination  of  the  pope  and  the  Venetians, 
he  the  more  sensibly  obliged  them,  as  both  the  honour 
and  profit  which  might  arise  therefrom  would  be  in  their 
favour.  The  pope,  therefore,  on  the  first  proposition  made 
to  him,  even  anticipated  Henry's  intentions ;  he  imme- 
diately demanded,  whether,  as  affairs  were  then  situated, 
the  several  powers  would  approve  his  taking  upon  him  the 
office  of  common  mediator,  to  establish  peace  in  Europe, 
and  convert  the  continual  wars  among  its  several  princes 
into  a  perpetual  war  against  the  Infidels,  which  was  a 
part  of  the  design  he  had  been  very  careful  to  acquaint 
him  with  ;  and  the  pope  sufficiently  showed  that  he  was 
desirous  nothing  should  be  done  without  his  participa- 
tion, and  that  he  was  still  less  disposed  to  refuse  the 
advantage  offered  to  him. 


THE  GREAT   DESIGN   OF  HENRY  IV  41 

Paul  V.,  when  a  favourable  opportunity  offered,  ex- 
plained himself  more  openly  on  this  head.  Ubaldini,  his 
nuncio,  told  the  king,  that  his  holiness  for  the.  confederacy 
against  the  house  of  Austria,  would,  on  various  pretences, 
engage  to  raise  ten  thousand  foot,  fifteen  hundred  horse, 
and  ten  cannons,  provided  his  majesty  would  promise  to 
defray  the  necessary  expenses  of  their  subsistence  for  three 
years  ;  would  give  all  possible  security  for  the  cession  of 
Naples  and  the  other  rights  of  homage  according  to 
promise  ;  and  would  sincerely  consent  to  the  other  con- 
dition in  regard  to  the  treaty  which  he  should  think  nec- 
essary to  impose.  These  conditions,  at  least  the  principal 
of  them,  were,  that  only  Catholics  should  be  elected  em- 
perors ;  that  the  Roman  religion  should  be  maintained  in 
all  its  rights,  and  the'  ecclesiastics  in  all  their  privileges 
and  immunities  ;  and  the  Protestants  should  not  be  per- 
mitted to  establish  themselves  in  places  where  they  were 
not  established  before  the  treaty.  The  king  promised 
Ubaldini  that  he  would  religiously  observe  all  these  con- 
ditions ;  and  further,  he  relinquished  to  the  pope  the 
honour  of  being  the  arbitrator  of  all  those  regulations  to 
be  made  in  the  establishment  of  the  new  republic. 

The  removing  of  these  difficulties  in  regard  to  the  pope 
was  of  no  inconsiderable  consequence ;  for  his  example 
would  not  fail  to  be  of  great  force  in  determining  the 
other  Catholic  powers,  especially  those  of  Italy.  Nothing 
was  neglected  which  might  promote  the  favourable  dis- 
positions in  which  they  appeared  to  be,  by  punctually 
paying  the  cardinals  and  petty  princes  of  Italy  their  pen- 
sions, and  even  by  adding  to  them  several  other  gratuities. 
The  establishment  of  a  new  monarchy  in  Italy  was  the 
only  pretence  these  petty  courts  had  for  not  joining  the 


42  THE  GREAT  DESIGN   OF  HENRY  IV 

confederacy ;  but  this  vain  apprehension  would  be  easily 
dissipated.  The  particular  advantages  which  each  would 
acquire,  might  alone  have  satisfied  them  in  this  respect ; 
but  if  not,  all  opposers  might  have  been  threatened  with 
being  declared  after  a  certain  time  divested  of  all  right  to 
the  proposed  advantages,  and  even  of  all  pretensions  to 
the  empire,  or  the  elective  kingdoms  ;  and  that  the  repub- 
lics amongst  them  should  be  converted  into  sovereignties, 
and  sovereignties  into  republics.  There  is  but  little  proba- 
bility that  any  of  them  would  even  have  hesitated  what 
to  do.  The  punishment  of  the  first  offender  would  have 
compelled  the  submission  of  all  these  petty  states,  who 
were  besides  sufficiently  sensible  of  their  impotence.  But 
this  method  was  not  to  be  used  but  on  failure  of  all  others  ; 
and  even  then,  no  opportunity  would  have  been  neglected 
of  showing  them  favour. 

And  now  we  are  arrived  at  the  point  to  which  every- 
thing was  advanced  at  the  fatal  moment  of  the  death  of 
Henry  the  Great ;  and  the  following  is  a  circumstantial 
detail  of  the  forces  for  the  war  which  all  the  parties  con- 
cerned had,  in  conjunction  with  him,  agreed  to  furnish  : 
The  contingents  of  the  Kings  of  England,  Sweden,  and 
Denmark  were  each  eight  thousand  foot,  fifteen  hundred 
horse,  and  eight  cannons,  to  be  raised  and  maintained  in 
all  respects  at  their  expense  at  least  for  three  years ;  and 
this  expense,  reckoning  ten  livres  a  month  for  each  foot 
soldier,  thirty  livres  for  each  trooper,  the  pay  of  the  offi- 
cers included,  and  the  year  to  be  composed  of  ten 
months,  would  amount  for  each  of  these  states  to  three 
million  three  hundred  and  seventy  thousand  livres  for  three 
years  ;  the  expense  of  the  artiller/,  fifteen  hundred  livres  a 
month  for  each  piece  being  also  included.    The  princes  of 


THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV  43 

Germany  before  mentioned  were  to  furnish  twenty-five  thou- 
sand foot,  ten  thousand  horse,  and  forty  cannons  ;  they  had 
themselves  computed  the  expense  at  nine  or  ten  millions  for 
three  years.  The  United  Provinces,  twelve  thousand  foot, 
two  thousand  horse,  and  ten  cannons  ;  the  expense  twelve 
millions.  Hungary,  Bohemia,  and  the  other  Evangelics  of 
Germany,  the  same  number,  and  nearly  at  the  same  expense. 
The  pope,  ten  thousand  foot,  fifteen  hundred  horse,  and  eight 
cannons.  The  Duke  of  Savoy,  eighteen  thousand  foot,  two 
thousand  horse  and  twelve  cannons.  The  Venetians,  twelve 
thousand  foot,  two  thousand  horse,  and  twelve  cannons. 
The  expense  of  these  last-mentioned  armaments  the  king 
himself  had  engaged  to  defray.  The  total  of  all  these  for- 
eign forces,  allowing  for  deficiencies,  which  might  prob- 
ably have  happened,  would  always  have  been  at  least  one 
hundred  thousand  foot,  from  twenty  to  twenty-five  thou- 
sand horse,  and  about  one  hundred  and  twenty  cannons. 
The  king  on  his  side  had  actually  on  foot  two  good  and 
well  furnished  armies  ;  the  first,  which  he  was  to  have  com- 
manded in  person,  consisted  of  twenty  thousand  foot,  all 
native  French,  eight  thousand  Switzers,  four  thousand 
lansquenets,  or  Walloons,  five  thousand  horse,  and  twenty 
cannons.  The  second,  to  be  commanded  by  Lesdiguieres, 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Alps,  consisted  of  ten  thousand 
foot,  one  thousand  horse,  and  ten  cannons  ;  besides  a  flying 
camp  of  four  thousand  foot,  six  hundred  horse,  and  ten 
cannons  ;  and  a  reserve  of  two  thousand  foot,  to  garrison 
those  places  where  they  might  be  necessary.1  We  will  here 
make  a  general  calculation  of  all  these  troops. 

1  There  are  some  variations  in  our  Memoirs  in  regard  to  the  number 
of  men,  both  in  the  royal  grand  army,  which,  in  different  places,  is  said 
to  be  composed  of  thirty,  thirty-two,  and  thirty-six  thousand  foot,  of  four, 
five,  six,  and  eight  thousand  horse,  and  from  thirty  to  fifty  cannons ;  and 


44  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

The  twenty  thousand  foot,  at  twenty-one  livres  a  month 
to  each  man,  including  the  appointments  of  generals  and 
officers,  would  by  the  month  require  four  hundred  and 
twenty  thousand  livres,  and  by  the  year  five  million 
and  forty  thousand  livres ;  the  eight  thousand  Switzers  and 
four  thousand  lansquenets,  three  millions ;  the  five  thousand 
horse,  at  sixty  livres  a  month  to  each,  by  the  month,  would 
require  two  hundred  and  forty  thousand  livres,  and  by  the 
year,  two  million  eight  hundred  and  forty  thousand  livres  ; 
this  computation  is  made  so  high  as  sixty  livres  a  month 
to  each,  because  the  pay  of  the  officers,  and  particularly 
of  the  king's  white  troops,  composed  of  a  thousand  men 
of  the  first  rank  in  the  kingdom,  who  served  as  volunteers, 
was  therein  included.  The  expense  of  the  twenty  large 
cannons,  six  culverins,  and  four  demi-culverins,  supposing 
all  necessary  furniture  for  them  provided,  would  amount 
to  three  thousand  six  hundred  livres  a  month  for  each 
piece  ;  the  thirty  together  would  consequently  require  one 
hundred  and  eight  thousand  livres.  Extraordinary  expenses 
and  losses  in  regard  to  the  provisions  and  ammunition  for 
this  army  might  be  computed  at  one  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  livres. 

Next,  for  expenses,  whether  ordinary  or  extraordinary, 
in  spies,  for  the  sick  and  wounded,  and  other  unforeseen 
contingencies,  computing  at  the  highest  a  like  sum  of  one 
million  eight  hundred  thousand  livres.  To  supply  the  de- 
ficiencies which  might  happen  in  the  armies  of  the  con- 
federate princes,  to  pay  the  pensions,  and  to  answer  other 

in  that  of  the  confederate  princes  of  Germany,  sometimes  computed 
even  at- forty  thousand  foot,  and  twelve  thousand  horse;  similar  differ- 
ences often  occur  in  regard  to  those  of  Italy,  and  the  other  confederate 
princes ;  neither  are  the  calculations  of  the  expense  always  the  same, 
nor  quite  just  in  their  estimates. 


THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV  45 

particular  exigencies  which  might  arise  in  the  kingdom, 
three  hundred  thousand  livres  a  month  ;  for  the  year, 
three  million  six  hundred  thousand  livres.  The  army  of 
Lesdiguieres  would  require  three  millions  a  year,  and  as 
much  for  each  of  the  armies  of  the  pope,  the  Venetians, 
and  the  Duke  of  Savoy.  These  last  four  articles  together 
make  twelve  millions  a  year,  which,  added  to  the  preced- 
ing sums,  amount  in  the  whole  to  about  thirty  million  one 
hundred  and  sixty  thousand  livres  a  year. 

It  remains  only  to  triple  this  total  for  the  three  years 
during  which  it  was  supposed  there  might  be  occasion  for 
the  forces,  and  the  whole  amount  will  appear  to  be  between 
ninety  and  ninety-one  millions,  which  might  nearly  be 
necessary  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  intended  war ;  I 
say  nearly,  for  in  this  calculation  I  have  not  included  the 
flying  camp,  nor  the  two  thousand  men  for  garrisons  :  the 
first  of  these  two  articles,  at  the  rate  of  eighteen  livres  a 
month  to  each  foot  soldier,  and  fifty  livres  to  each  trooper, 
would  require  a  further  sum  of  about  one  hundred  and 
thirty  thousand  livres  a  month,  which,  for  a  year,  would 
be  one  million  five  hundred  thousand  livres,  and  four 
million  five  hundred  thousand  livres  for  three  years ;  the 
second  article,  for  the  three  years,  would  require  about 
twelve  hundred  thousand  livres. 

On  a  supposition  that  the  expense  of  France  on  this 
occasion  would  not  have  amounted  to  more  than  between 
ninety  and  ninety-five  millions,  which  supposition  is  far 
from  being  hazardous,  because  we  have  here  computed 
everything  at  the  highest  it  would  bear,  it  is  easy  to  show 
that,  at  the  expiration  of  the  three  years,  Henry  would 
have  remaining  in  his  coffers  thirty  millions,  over  and 
above  what  would  be  expended.    The  total  amount  of  all 


46  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

the  receipts  from  the  several  funds,  formed  and  to  be 
formed  for  these  three  years,  being  one  hundred  and 
twenty-one  million  five  hundred  and  forty  thousand,  livres, 
as  appears  from  the  three  estimates  which  I  drew  up  and 
presented  to  his  majesty. 

v  The  first  of  these  estimates,  which  contained  only  a  list 
of  the  sums  actually  deposited  in  the  Bastille,  amounted  to 
twenty-two  million  four  hundred  and  sixty  thousand  livres, 
in  several  coffers,  marked  Phelipeaux,  Puget,  and  Bouhier  ; 
the  second  was  another  list  of  the  sums  actually  due  from 
the  farmers,  partisans,  and  receivers-general,  which  might 
be  considered  as  in  possession,  and  produced  another  total 
of  eighteen  million  six  hundred  and  thirteen  thousand 
livres ;  these  two  totals  together  made  forty-one  million 
seventy-three  thousand  livres,  which  the  king  would  im- 
mediately have  at  his  disposal.  To  acquire  the  rest  of 
these  hundred  and  twenty-one  millions,  I  had  recourse,  in 
the  third  estimate,  to  no  new  taxations  :  the  whole  remain- 
der would  arise  solely  from  the  offers  of  augmentation 
upon  the  several  royal  revenues  which  the  farmers  and 
partisans  had  made  for  a  lease  of  three  years,  and  from 
what  the  officers  of  justice  and  the  finances  had  volunta- 
rily engaged  to  furnish,  provided  they  might  be  permitted 
the  free  enjoyment  of  certain  privileges ;  so  that  in  these 
one  hundred  and  twenty-one  millions  I  had  not  compre- 
hended the  three  years'  receipts  of  the  other  royal  reve- 
nues. And  in  case  it  were  afterwards  necessary  to  have 
recourse  to  means  somewhat  more  burdensome,  I  had 
given  the  king  another  estimate,  whereby,  instead  of  these 
one  hundred  and  twenty-one  millions,  it  appeared  that  one 
hundred  and  seventy-five  millions  might  have  been  raised. 
I  also  demonstrated  that,  upon  any  pressing  emergency, 


THE  GREAT   DESIGN   OF  HENRY  IV  47 

this  kingdom  could  open  itself  resources  of  treasure  that 
are  almost  innumerable. 

It  was  very  much  to  be  wished  that  the  sums  of  money 
and  the  numbers  of  men  to  be  furnished  by  the  other  con- 
federates would  be  equally  well  secured  by  such  estimates  ; 
but  whatever  deficiencies  might  have  happened,  having 
forty-one  millions  to  distribute  wherever  it  might  be  found 
necessary,  what  obstacles  could  Henry  have  to  fear  from  a 
power  who  was  known  to  be  destitute  of  money,  and  even 
of  troops  ?  no  one  being  ignorant  that  the  best  and  most 
numerous  forces  which  Spain  had  in  its  service  were 
drawn  from  Sicily,  Naples,  and  Lombardy,  or  else  were 
Germans,  Switzers,  and  Walloons. 

Everything,  therefore,  concurring  to  promote  success, 
and  good  magazines  being  placed  in  proper  parts  of  the 
passage,  the  king  was  on  the  point  of  marching,  at  the 
head  of  his  army,  directly  to  Mezieres,  from  whence,  tak- 
ing his  route  by  Clinchamp,  Orchimont,  Beauraign,  Offais, 
Longpre,  &c,  after  having  caused  five  forts  to  be  erected 
in  these  quarters,  and  therein  placed  his  two  thousand 
men  destined  for  that  purpose,  with  the  necessary  provi- 
sions and  ammunition,  he  would,  near  Duren  and  Stavelo, 
have  joined  the  two  armies  which  the  princes  of  Germany 
and  the  United  Provinces  would  have  caused  to  march 
thither ;  and  then,  beginning  by  occupying  all  those  pas- 
sages through  which  the  enemy  might  find  entrance  into 
the  territories  of  Juliers  and  Cleves,  these  principalities, 
which  were  a  pretext  for  the  armament,  would  conse- 
quently have  immediately  submitted  to  him,  and  would 
have  been  sequestrated,  till  it  should  appear  how  the 
emperor  and  the  King  of  Spain  would  act,  in  regard  to 
the  designs  of  the  confederate  princes. 


48  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF   HENRY  IV 

This  was  the  moment  fixed  on  to  publish  and  make 
known  throughout  Europe  the  declarations,  in  form  of 
manifestoes,  which  were  to  open  the  eyes  of  all  in  regard 
to  their  true  interests,  and  the  real  motives  which  had 
caused  Henry  and  the  confederate  princes  thus  to  take  up 
arms.  These  manifestoes  were  composed  with  the  great- 
est care ;  a  spirit  of  justice,  honesty,  and  good  faith,  of 
disinterestedness  and  good  policy,  were  everywhere  appar- 
ent in  them ;  and,  without  wholly  discovering  the  several 
changes  intended  to  be  made  in  Europe,  it  was  intimated 
that  their  common  interest  had  thus  compelled  its  princes 
to  arm  themselves,  and  not  only  to  prevent  the  house  of 
Austria  from  getting  possession  of  Cleves,  but  also  to 
divest  her  of  the  United  Provinces,  and  of  whatever  else 
she  unjustly  possessed  ;  that  their  intentions  were  to  dis- 
tribute these  territories  among  such  princes  and  states  as 
were  the  weakest ;  that  the  design  was  such  as  could  not 
surely  give  occasion  to  a  war  in  Europe ;  that,  though 
armed,  the  kings  of  France  and  the  North  rather  chose 
to  be  mediators  in  the  causes  of  complaint  which  Europe, 
through  them,  made  against  the  house  of  Austria,  and 
only  sought  to  determine  amicably  all  differences  subsist- 
ing among  the  several  princes ;  and  that,  whatever  was  done 
on  this  occasion,  should  be  not  only  with  the  unanimous 
consent  of  all  these  powers,  but  even  of  all  their  people,  who 
were  hereby  invited  to  give  in  their  opinions  to  the  confed- 
erate princes:  such  also  would  have  been  the  substance  of 
the  circular  letters  which  Henry  and  the  associated  princes 
would  at  the  same  time  have  sent  to  all  places  subject  to 
them;  that  so,  the  people  being  informed,  and  joining  their 
suffrages,  a  universal  cry  from  all  parts  of  Christendom 
would  have  been  raised  against  the  house  of  Austria. 


THE  GREAT   DESIGN   OF  HENRY  IV  49 

As  it  was  determined  to  avoid  with  the  utmost  caution 
whatever  might  give  umbrage  to  any  one,  and  Henry  being 
desirous  to  give  still  more  convincing  proofs  to  his  confed- 
erates that  to  promote  their  true  interests  was  his  sole 
study  and  design,  to  the  letters  already  mentioned  he 
would  have  added  others  to  be  written  to  different  courts, 
particularly  to  the  electors  of  Cologne  and  Treves,  the 
Bishops  of  Munster,  Liege,  and  Paderborn,  and  the  Duke 
and  Duchess  of  Lorraine ;  and  this  conduct  would  have 
been  pursued,  in  regard  even  to  our  enemies,  in  the  letters 
which  were  to  be  written  to  the  archduke,  and  the  infanta 
his  wife,  to  the  emperor  himself,  and  to  all  the  Austrian 
princes,  requesting  them,  from  the  strongest  and  most 
pressing  motives,  to  embrace  the  only  right  and  reasonable 
party ;  in  all  places,  nothing  would  have  been  neglected  to 
instruct,  convince,  and  gain  confidence  ;  the  execution  of 
all  engagements,  and  the  distribution  or  sequestration  of 
whatever  territories  might  require  to  be  so  disposed,  would 
have  been  strictly,  and  even  scrupulously  observed  ;  force 
would  never  have  been  employed  till  arguments,  entreaties, 
embassies  and  negotiations  should  have  failed :  finally, 
even  in  the  use  of  arms,  it  would  have  been  not  as  enemies, 
but  pacifiers ;  the  queen  would  have  advanced  as  far  as 
Metz,  accompanied  by  the  whole  court,  and  attended  by 
such  pomp  and  equipage  as  were  suitable  only  to  peace. 

Henry  had  projected  a  new  method  of  discipline  in  his 
camp,  which  very  probably  would  have  produced  the  good 
effects  intended  by  it,  especially  if  his  example  had  been 
imitated  by  the  other  princes  his  allies.  He  intended  to 
have  created  four  marshals  of  France,  or  at  least  four 
camp  marshals,  whose  sole  care  should  have  been  to  main- 
tain universal  order,  discipline,  and  subordination.    The 


50  THE  GREAT   DESIGN   OF  HENRY  IV 

first  of  these  would  have  had  the  inspection  of  the  cavalry, 
the  second  of  the  French  infantry,  the  third  of  the  foreign ' 
forces,  and  the  fourth  of  whatever  concerned  the  artillery, 
ammunition,  and  provisions ;  and  the  king  would  have 
required  an  exact  and  regular  account  from  these  four  offi- 
cers of  whatever  was  transacted  by  them  in  their  respec- 
tive divisions.  He  applied  himself  with  equal  ardor  to 
cause  all  military  virtues  to  be  revered  and  honoured  in  his 
army,  by  granting  all  employs  and  places  of  trust  to  merit 
only,  by  preferring  good  officers,  by  rewarding  the  soldiers, 
by  punishing  blasphemies  and  other  impious  language,  by 
showing  a  regard  both  for  his  own  troops  and  those  of  his 
confederates,  by  stifling  a  spirit  of  discord,  caused  by  a 
difference  of  religion  ;  and,  finally,  by  uniting  emulation 
with  that  harmony  of  sentiments  which  contributes  more 
than  all  the  rest  to  obtain  victory. 

The  consequence  of  this  enterprise,  with  regard  to  war, 
would  have  depended  on  the  manner  in  which  the  em- 
peror and  the  King  of  Spain  should  receive  the  propo- 
sitions and  reply  to  the  manifestoes  of  the  confederate 
princes  ;  it  seems  probable  that  the  emperor,  submitting 
to  force,  would  have  consented  to  everything.  I  am  even 
persuaded  he  would  have  been  the  first  to  demand  an 
amicable  interview  with  the  King  of  France,  that  he 
might  at  least  extricate  himself  with  honour  from  the  diffi- 
culties in  which  he  would  have  been  involved  ;  and  he 
would  probably  have  been  satisfied  with  assurances  that 
the  imperial  dignity,  with  all  its  rights  and  prerogatives, 
should  be  secured  to  him  for  his  life.  The  archdukes  had 
made  great  advances  ;  they  engaged  to  permit  the  king, 
with  all  his  troops,  to  enter  their  territories  and  towns, 
provided  they  committed  no  hostilities  in  them,  and  paid 


THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV  51 

punctually,  in  all  places,  for  whatever  they  required.  If 
these  appearances  were  not  deceitful,  Spain,  being  aban- 
doned by  all,  must,  though  unwillingly,  have  submitted  to 
the  will  of  its  conquerors. 

But  it  may  be  supposed  that  all  the  branches  of  the 
house  of  Austria  would,  on  this  occasion,  have  united, 
and,  in  defence  of  their  common  interests,  would  have 
used  all  the  efforts  of  which  they  were  capable.  In  this 
case,  Henry  and  the  confederate  princes,  by  declaring  war 
in  form  against  their  enemies,  and  depriving  the  Span- 
iards of  all  communications,  especially  with  the  Low  Coun- 
tries, and  having,  as  we  have  said,  united  all  their  forces, 
given  audience  to  the  princes  of  Germany,  promised  assist- 
ance to  the  people  of  Hungary  and  Bohemia  who  should 
come  to  implore  it  of  them,  and  finally  secured  the  terri- 
tory of  Cleves,  —  these  princes,  I  say,  would  then  have 
caused  their  three  armies  to  advance  towards  Basle  and 
Strasbourg  to  support  the  Switzers,  who,  after  having,  fpr 
form's  sake,  asked  leave  of  the  emperor,  would  have  de- 
clared for  the  union.  The  United  Provinces,  though  at  a 
considerable  distance  from  these  armies,  would  yet  have 
been  sufficiently  defended  by  the  flying  camp,  which 
Henry  would  have  caused  to  advance  towards  them  ;  by 
the  arms  of  England  and  the  North,  to  whose  protection 
they  would  be  entrusted  ;  by  the  care  which  at  first  would 
have  been  taken  to  get  possession  of  Charlemont,  Maes- 
tricht,  Namur,  and  other  places  near  the  Meuse,  and 
finally  by  the  naval  forces  of  these  provinces,  which,  in 
conjunction  with  those  of  England,  would  have  reigned 
absolute  masters  at  sea. 

These  measures  being  taken,  the  war  could  have  been 
waged  only  in  Italy  or  Germany  ;  and  supposing  it  to  have 


52  THE   GREAT   DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

been  in  the  former,  the  three  armies  of  Henry,  the  Prince 
of  Orange,  and  the  Princes  of  Germany,  quitting  Franche- 
Comte,  after  having  fortified  it  in  the  same  manner  as  the 
Low  Countries,  by  a  small  body  of  troops,  would  have 
marched  with  their  forces  towards  the  Alps, '  where  they 
would  have  been  joined  by  those  of  Lesdiguieres,  the 
pope,  the  Venetians,  and  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  who  then 
would  have  declared  themselves  openly,  —  the  Duke  of 
Savoy,  by  requiring  a  portion  for  his  duchess,  equal  to 
what  had  been  given  to  the  Infanta  Isabella,  and  the  other 
powers  by  demanding  the  execution  of  the  agreement  in 
regard  to  Navarre,  Naples,  and  Sicily,  and  thus,  from  all 
parts  of  Europe,  war  would  be  declared  against  Spain.  If 
the  enemy  should  appear  inclined  to  draw  the  war  into 
Germany,  then  the  confederates,  having  left  a  considerable 
number  of  troops  in  Italy,  would  have  penetrated  even 
into  the  heart  of  Germany,  where,  from  Hungary  and 
Bohemia,  they  would  have  been  strengthened  by  those 
powerful  succours  which  were  there  preparing. 

The  other  events,  in  consequence  of  these  dispositions, 
can  only  be  conjectured,  because  they  would  greatly  de- 
pend on  the  degree  of  alacrity  with  which  the  enemy 
should  oppose  the  rapidity  of  our  conquests,  and  on  the 
readiness  with  which  the  confederates,  especially  those  at 
the  extremity  of  Germany,  should  make  good  their  engage- 
ments. Nevertheless,  I  am  persuaded,  that  from  the  dis- 
positions, as  here  laid  down,  there  are  none  but  must 
regard  the  house  of  Austria  as  struck  by  the  blow  whose 
force  was  for  ever  to  annihilate  its  power,  and  open  a  pas- 
sage to  the  execution  of  the  other  projected  designs,  to 
which  this  attack  could  only  be  considered  as  the  prelim- 
inary.   I  will  add,  too  (and  here  the  voice  of  all  Europe 


THE  GREAT   DESIGN   OF  HENRY  IV  53 

will  vindicate  me  from  the  imputation  of  partiality),  that 
if  the  force  necessary  to  render  such  an  enterprise  success- 
ful does  always  depend  on  the  person  of  the  chief  who 
conducts  it,  this  could  not  have  been  better  conferred  than 
upon  Henry  the  Great.  With  a  valour  alone  capable  of 
surmounting  the  greatest  difficulties,  and  a  presence  of 
mind  which  neither  neglected  nor  lost  any  opportunities 
of  advantage ;  with  a  prudence  which,  without  precipi- 
tating anything,  or  attempting  too  many  things  at  a  time, 
could  regularly  connect  them  together,  and  perfectly  knew 
what  might  and  what  might  not  be  the  result  of  time  ; 
with  a  consummate  experience  ;  and,  finally,  with  all  those 
other  great  qualifications,  whether  as  a  warrior  or  politi- 
cian, which  were  so  remarkable  in  this  prince,  —  what  is 
there  which  might  not  have  been  obtained  ?  This  was  the 
meaning  of  that  modest  device  which  this  great  king 
caused  to  be  inscribed  on  some  of  the  last  medals  that 
were  struck  under  his  reign  :   Nil  sine  concilio. 


PASSAGES  FROM  SULLY'S  MEMOIRS  ILLUS- 
TRATING THE  HISTORY  OF  THE 
GREAT  DESIGN 

I 

Conference  between  Sully  and  Queen  Elizabeth, 
at  Dover,  in  16011 

The  Queen  of  England  hearing  the  king  was  at  Calais, 
thought  it  a  favourable  opportunity  to  satisfy  her  impatience 
of  seeing  and  embracing  her  best  friend.  Henry  was  not 
less  desirous  of  this  interview,  that  he  might  confer  with 
the  queen  upon  the  affairs  of  Europe  in  general,  as  well 
as  on  their  own  in  particular,  especially  those  which  had 
been  hinted  to  him  by  the  English  and  Dutch  ambassa- 
dors when  he  was  at  Nantes.  Elizabeth  first  wrote  him  a 
letter  equally  polite  and  full  of  offers  of  service  ;  she  after- 
wards made  him  the  usual  compliments,  and  repeated 
those  assurances  by  the  Lord  Edmond,2  whom  she  des- 
patched to  Calais,  till  she  herself  could  arrive  at  Dover, 
from  whence  she  sent  M.  de  Stafford  Lord  Sidney,3  with 
other  letters. 

1  From  the  Twelfth  Book  of  Sully's  Memoirs. 

2  He  means  Sir  Thomas  Edmondes.  (See  Birch's  Negotiations, 
p.  200 ;  Camden,  &c.)  —  Ed. 

3  The  person  here  styled  "  Stafford  Lord  Sidney,"  was  Sir  Robert 
Sydney,  the  younger  brother  of  the  illustrious  Sir  Philip.  He  was  not  a 
peer  till  after  the  accession  of  James,  who  first  created  him  Baron  Syd- 
ney of  Penshurst,  next  Viscount  Lisle,  and  lastly  Earl  of  Leicester. 
Why  he  is  called  Stafford  in  the  text  it  is  not  easy  to  say,  unless  we 
could  suppose  the  author  has  confounded  him  with  Sir  Edward  Stafford, 
ambassador  in  France  in  1 588.  —  Ed. 

54 


SULLY'S  CONFERENCE  WITH  ELIZABETH         55 

Henry  resolving  not  to  be  outdone  in  complaisance, 
answered  these  advances  in  a  manner  that  showed  at  once 
his  respect  for  Elizabeth,  and  his  esteem  and  admiration 
for  her  character.  This  intercourse  continued  a  long  time, 
to  the  great  mortification  of  the  Spaniards,  whose  jealousy 
was  strongly  excited  by  the  proximity  and  close  correspond- 
ence of  the  two  sovereigns.  Of  all  the  letters  written  by 
them  on  this  occasion,  I  possess  only  one  of  those  which 
Elizabeth  wrote  to  the  king :  this,  because  it  was  the  occa- 
sion of  the  voyage  I  made  to  this  princess,  I  have  kept  in 
my  hands  ;  it  was  as  follows  : 

"  My  very  dear  and  well-beloved  Brother,  —  I  had 
always  considered  the  condition  of  sovereigns  to  be  the 
most  happy,  and  that  they  were  the  least  subject  to  meet 
with  obstacles  in  the  way  of  their  just  and  legitimate 
desires  ;  but  our  residence  in  two  places  so  near  each 
other  makes  me  begin  to  think,  that  those  of  high  as  well 
as  of  middle  rank  often  meet  with  thorns  and  difficulties, 
since  from  certain  causes  and  considerations,  rather  to 
satisfy  others  than  ourselves,  we  are  both  prevented  from 
crossing  the  sea ;  for  I  had  promised  myself*  the  happi- 
ness of  embracing  you,  as  being  your  very  loyal  sister  and 
faithful  ally,  and  you  my  very  dear  brother  whom  I  love 
and  honour  above  everything  in  this  world,  whose  incom- 
parable virtues  (to  tell  you  my  real  sentiments)  I  admire, 
and  particularly  your  valour  in  arms,  and  politeness  and 
gallantry  amongst  the  fair  sex.  I  have  something  of  con- 
sequence to  communicate  to  you,  which  I  can  neither  write 
nor  confide  to  any  of  your  ministers,  nor  my  own  at  pres- 
ent, so  that,  in  expectation  of  a  more  convenient  opportu- 
nity, I  shall  return  to  London  in  a  few  days.   That  God  may 


56  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

continue  to  you,  my  very  dear  and  well-beloved  brother, 
his  holy  favours  and  blessing,  is  the  prayer  of  your  most 
affectionate  sister  and  loyal  ally  —  Elizabeth."1 

When  the  king  received  this  letter,  he  read  it  over  two 
or  three  times  with  great  satisfaction,  and  took  particular 
notice  of  the  latter  part  of  it ;  but  being  at  a  loss  how  to 
interpret  it,  he  sent  Secretary  Feret  for  me,  and  as  soon 
as  I  went  to  him,  he  said  to  me,  "  I  have  just  received  a 
letter  from  my  good  sister  the  Queen  of  England,  whom 
you  esteem  so  highly,  more  full  of  cajoleries  than  ever ; 
pray  see  if,  from  your  knowledge  of  her  character,  you  can 
comprehend  better  than  I  can  what  she  means  by  the  con- 
clusion of  this  letter."    Having  read  it  over  several  times, 

1  This  letter,  and  this  whole  relation  of  the  Duke  of  Sully's  concern- 
ing Henry  the  Fourth's  journey  to  Calais,  and  Elizabeth's  to  Dover, 
appear  sufficient,  without  any  other  reflections,  to  show  the  error  of  all 
those  various  judgments  current  at  that  time,  and  which  have  been 
mentioned  by  different  historians  concerning  these  two  potentates.  It 
was  said  Elizabeth  proposed  to  Henry,  either  that  he  should  come  to 
Dover,  or  at  least  confer  with  her  in  a  vessel  half-way  between  these 
two  towns,  and  that  this  proposal  concealed  a  snare  in  which  Elizabeth 
hoped  to  entrap  Henry,  by  seizing  upon  his  person  in  the  interview, 
and  keeping  him  prisoner  till  he  restored  Calais,  and  that  Henry  ex- 
cused himself  from  complying  with  her  request,  only  because  he  sus- 
pected the  design ;  others  say,  because  his  fears  of  the  sea  were  so 
great,  that  he  durst  not  venture  into  a  vessel.  No  one  suspected  the 
true  motive  for  proposing  this  interview,  which  was  the  occasion  of  all 
those  letters  that  passed  between  them,  and  caused  the  Duke  of  Sully 
to  make  the  secret  voyage  to  Dover,  of  which  he  here  gives  an  account. 
Siri,  on  this  occasion,  builds  up  the  resentment  which  he  supposes 
Elizabeth  always  preserved,  both  at  the  peace  of  Vervins  and  the  sur- 
render of  Calais,  as  well  as  her  fear  lest  Henry  should  aggrandise  him- 
self too  much,  and  on  the  jealousy  which  the  English  entertained  of 
the  French.  (Mem.  Recond.  vol.  i.  pp.  130,  150,  &c.)  But  this  writer,  so 
well  acquainted  with  foreign  negotiations,  especially  those  of  Italy  and 
Spain,  is  not  right,  neither  in  the  facts  nor  the  opinions  which  he  pro- 
duces concerning  the  interior  of  our  court  and  councils  under  the  reign 
of  Henry  IV.   He  knew  neither  this  prince  nor  the  Duke  of  Sully. 


SULLY'S  CONFERENCE  WITH  ELIZABETH        57 

but  being  obliged  to  confess  I  could  not  comprehend  it, 
''Well,  my  friend,"  said  his  majesty,  "  I  will  not  conceal 
from  you  that  I  am  very  anxious  to  know  what  this  prin- 
cess has  in  view  by  these  expressions,  for,  in  my  opinion, 
she  has  not  employed  them  without  very  particular  reasons  : 
I  have  therefore  thought  of  an  expedient  by  which,  per- 
haps, we  may  come  to  a  knowledge  of  her  meaning,  with- 
out doing  anything  that  can  give  offence  to  either  party ; 
this  is,  for  you  to  set  out  to-morrow  morning  for  Dover, 
as  if  by  your  own  inclination,  and  on  your  arrival  there,  to 
make  show  of  not  wishing  to  stop,  but  of  passing  on  to 
London,  for  the  purpose  of  seeing  the  country ;  so  that, 
should  you  meet  with  any  person  of  your  acquaintance, 
the  queen  may  be  informed  that  you  are  in  Dover  to  watch 
what  she  will  do  ;  and  should  she  send  for  you,  it  is  prob- 
able you  may  discover  some  part  of  her  sentiments  in  the 
course  of  your  conversation  together." 

I  accordingly  embarked  early  next  morning,  in  a  small 
boat,  with  very  few  attendants,  without  mentioning  my 
journey  to  any  one,  and  reached  Dover  about  ten  o'clock, 
where  I  saw  a  great  number  of  people,  some  embarking, 
others  landing,  and  many  walking  upon  the  beach  ;  six  or 
seven  of  the  latter  advanced  towards  me,  one  of  whom  was 
Lord  Sidney,  who,  having  five  or  six  days  before  seen  me 
at  Calais,  immediately  recognised  me,  and  ran  to  embrace 
me  :  with  him  were  Cobham,  Raleigh,  and  Griffin,  and 
they  were  soon  after  joined  by  the  Earls  of  Devonshire 
and  Pembroke,  who,  after  mutual  civilities  and  compli- 
ments, asked  me  if  I  were  come  to  see  the  queen  on 
the  part  of  my  master.  I  told  them  I  was  not,  and  even 
assured  them  that  the  king  knew  nothing  of  my  voyage ; 
I  likewise  entreated  them  not  to  mention  it  to  the  queen, 


58  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

for  not  having  had  any  intention  of  paying  my  respects  to 
her,  I  had  no  letter  to  present,  my  desire  being  only  to 
make  a  short  tour  incognito  to  London.  These  gentlemen 
replied,  smiling,  that  I  had  taken  a  useless  precaution,  for 
that  probably  the  guardship  had  already  given  a  signal  of 
my  arrival,  and  that  I  might  quickly  expect  to  see  a  mes- 
senger from  the  queen,  who  would  not  suffer  me  to  pass 
in  this  manner,  she  having  but  three  days  ago  spoke  of 
me  publicly,  and  in  very  obliging  terms.  I  affected  to  be 
extremely  concerned  at  this  unlucky  accident,  but  to  hope, 
nevertheless,  that  I  might  still  pass  undiscovered,  provided 
that  these  gentlemen  would  be  secret  as  to  the  place  where 
I  was  to  lodge ;  from  whence,  I  assured  them,  I  would 
immediately  depart  as  soon  as  I  had  taken  a  little  refresh- 
ment :  saying  this,  I  left  them  abruptly,  and  had  but  just 
entered  my  apartment,  and  spoke  a  few  words  to  one  of 
my  secretaries,  when  I  heard  somebody  behind  me  tell  me 
that  he  arrested  me  as  a  prisoner  to  the  queen.  This  was 
the  captain  of  her  majesty's  guards,  whom  I  embraced,  and 
answered,  smiling,  that  I  should  esteem  such  imprisonment 
a  great  honour.  He  had  orders  to  conduct  me  directly  to 
the  queen  ;  I  therefore  followed  him.  As  soon  as  Elizabeth 
perceived  me,  she  exclaimed,  "  Well !  Monsieur  de  Rosny, 
and  do  you  thus  break  our  fences  and  pass  on  without 
coming  to  see  me  ?  I  am  greatly  surprised  at  it,  for  I 
thought  you  bore  me  more  affection  than  any  of  my  own 
servants,  and  I  am  persuaded  that  I  have  given  you  no 
cause  to  change  those  sentiments."  I  replied,  that  her 
majesty  had  always  so  highly  honoured  me,  and  testified  so 
much  good-will  towards  me,  that  I  loved  and  honoured  her 
for  her  excellent  virtues,  and  would  always  serve  her  most 
humbly,  not  merely  from  my  own  inclination,  but  also  from 


SULLY'S  CONFERENCE  WITH  ELIZABETH         59 

knowing  that  in  doing  so  I  was  rendering  an  acceptable 
service  to  my  king.  After  many  more  expressions  of  this 
sort,  the  queen  replied,  "Well,  Monsieur  de  Rosny,  to 
give  you  a  proof  that  I  believe  all  you  have  told  me  of  the 
good-will  of  the  king  my  brother,  and  of  your  own,  I  will 
speak  with  you  on  the  subject  of  the  last  letter  I  wrote  to 
him ;  though,  perhaps,  you  have  seen  it,  for  Stafford x  and 
Edmondes  tell  me  that  the  king  conceals  few  of  his  se- 
crets from  you."  On  telling  her  I  was  not  ignorant  of  the 
letter,  she  immediately  answered  that  she  was  glad  of  it, 
and  also  that  I  had  crossed  the  sea,  because  she  had  no 
difficulty  to  tell  me  freely  what  she  hinted  at  in  the  con- 
clusion of  her  letter.  She  then  drew  me  aside,  and  con- 
versed with  me  a  long  time  on  the  greater  part  of  the 
events  which  had  happened  since  the  peace  of  Vervins 
(too  long  to  be  repeated  here),  and  concluded  with  asking 
if  her  good  brother  the  king's  affairs  were  now  in  a  better 
state  than  in  1598,  and  if  he  were  in  a  condition  to  begin, 
in  good  earnest,  the  great  design  which  she  had  proposed 
from  that  time  ?  To  this  I  replied,  that,  although  since 
that  period  the  king  had  had  many  weighty  affairs  to  settle, 
as  well  in  relation  to  the  war  in  Savoy  as  to  several  plots 
in  the  heart  of  his  kingdom,  which  were  not  yet  entirely 
destroyed,  all  which  had  occasioned  very  heavy  expenses, 
yet  I  had  nevertheless  so  managed  the  revenue,  and  other 
departments  of  the  state,  that  a  numerous  artillery  had 
been  provided,  as  well  as  abundance  of  stores  and  provi- 
sions, and  even  of  money ;  but  that  all  this,  however,  was 
not  sufficient  to  advise  him  to  bear  alone  the  burthen  of  an 
open  war  against  the  whole  house  of  Austria,  which  was 
so  powerful,  that  it  would  be  in  vain  to  attack  it  partially ; 

1  This  must  be  a  mistake  for  Sydney.    (See  note,  p.  54.) 


60  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

that  it  even  appeared  to  me  that  the  assistance  of  Eng- 
land and  the  States  only  was  by  no  means  sufficient  for 
the  commencement  of  so  great  a  work,  but  that  it  was 
absolutely  necessary  to  endeavour  to  form  a  coalition  of 
all  the  other  kings,  princes,  republics,  and  people,  who 
dreaded  the  tyranny  of  that  house,  or  would  profit  by  its 
humiliation.  The  queen  here  told  me  she  was  very  happy 
she  had  heard  my  sentiments  on  this  subject,  and  the 
more  so  as  she  believed  that  I  had  not  said  so  much  with- 
out knowing  something  of  the  intentions  of  the  king  her 
brother,  with  which,  in  this  case,  hers  would  perfectly 
agree,  by  only  adding  certain  conditions,  which  she  con- 
sidered as  absolutely  necessary  to  prevent  misunderstand- 
ing and  distrust  among  the  coalesced  powers  ;  these,  in 
her  opinion,  would  be,  to  proportion  so  well  the  desires  of 
each,  that  none  might  be  entertained  either  prejudicial  or 
disagreeable  to  any  of  the  rest,  which  would  inevitably 
happen  if  the  more  powerful  wished  to  take  the  greatest 
share  of  the  conquests  and  the  distribution  of  them  ;  and 
that  above  all  things  it  was  necessary  that  neither  her 
brother  the  King  of  France,  nor  the  King  of  Scotland, 
who  would  certainly  inherit  her  crown,  nor  those  of  Den- 
mark and  Sweden,  who  might  become  very  powerful  both 
by  land  and  sea,  nor  herself,  consequently,  should  pretend 
to  claim  any  portion  of  the  seventeen  provinces  of  the 
Low  Countries,  nor  any  place  in  their  neighbourhood ; 
"  For,  to  conceal  nothing  from  you,"  continued  the  queen, 
"  if  my  brother  the  King  of  France  should  think  of  mak- 
ing himself  proprietor,  or  even  only  feudal-lord  of  the 
United  Provinces,  I  should  never  consent  to  it,  but  enter- 
tain a  most  violent  jealousy  of  him  ;  nor  should  I  blame 
him  if,  giving  him  the  same  occasion,  he  should  have  the 


SULLY'S  CONFERENCE  WITH  ELIZABETH        6l 

same  fears  of  me  :  and  so  of  all  the  other  states  and 
dignities  of  which  the  ambitious  house  of  Austria  may 
be  deprived." 

These  were  not  the  only  reflections  made  by  the  Queen 
of  England  ;  she  said  many  other  things,  which  appeared 
to  me  so  just  and  sensible,  that  I  was  filled  with  astonish- 
ment and  admiration.  It  is  not  unusual  to  behold  princes 
form  great  designs  ;  their  sphere  of  action  so  forcibly  in- 
clines them  to  this,  that  it  is  only  necessary  to  warn  them 
of  the  extreme,  which  is,  the  projecting  what  their  powers 
are  so  little  proportioned  to  perform,  that  they  scarce  ever 
find  themselves  able  to  execute  the  half  of  what  they  pur- 
pose ;  but  to  be  able  to  distinguish  and  form  only  such  as 
are  reasonable  ;  wisely  to  regulate  the  conduct  of  them  ; 
to  foresee  and  guard  against  all  obstacles  in  such  a  man- 
ner that,  when  they  happen,  nothing  more  will  be  neces- 
sary than  to  apply  the  remedies  prepared  long  before  ; 
this  is  what  few  princes  are  capable  of.  Ignorance,  pros- 
perity, luxury,  vanity,  nay,  even  fear  and  indolence,  daily 
produce  schemes,  to  execute  which  there  is  not  the  least 
possibility.  Another  cause  of  surprise  to  me  was,  that 
Elizabeth  and  Henry,  having  never  conferred  together  on 
their  political  project,  should  agree  so  exactly  in  all  their 
ideas  as  not  to  differ  even  in  the  most  minute  particulars.1 

1  As  Hume  has  quoted  the  above  passage,  I  will  here  show  what 
authority  the  modern  compiler  of  these  Memoirs  had  for  inserting  it, 
by  giving  the  words  as  they  stand  in  the  original  Memoirs  of  Sully ; 
they  will,  moreover,  afford  another  instance  how  strangely  that  work 
has  been  in  many  instances  garbled  and  misrepresented :  Sully  {i.e.  his 
secretaries)  says,  that,  after  Elizabeth  had  asked  him  if,  from  his  silence, 
he  did  not  comprehend,  or  approve  of  her  schemes,  he  replied  in  the 
following  words  :  M  Madam,  my  silence  does  not  proceed  from  disap- 
probation of  what  you  have  told  me,  but,  on  the  contrary,  from  my 
admiration  of  the  excellence  of  your  mind,  your  exalted  courage,  your 
foresight,  and  your  judgment;  nor  can  I  deny  that  I  have  frequently  made 


62  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

The  queen  observing  my  eyes  were  attentively  fixed  on 
her  without  speaking,  imagined  she  had  expressed  herself  so 
confusedly  in  something  she  had  said,  that  I  was  unable 
to  comprehend  her  meaning.  But  when  I  ingenuously  con- 
fessed to  her  the  true  cause  of  my  silence  and  surprise,  she 
then,  without  scruple,  entered  into  the  most  minute  parts 
of  the  design  :  but  as  I  shall  have  an  ample  occasion  to 
treat  of  this,  in  relating  the  great  schemes  which  were  pre- 
vented by  the  untimely  death  of  Henry  IV.,  I  shall  not 
trouble  the  reader  with  useless  repetitions,  but  in  this  place 
just  show  the  five  principal  points  to  which  her  majesty 
reduced  so  extensive  a  scheme,  as  from  the  sequel  of  these 
Memoirs  this  will  appear  to  have  been.  The  first  was,  to 
restore  Germany  to  its  ancient  liberty,  in  respect  to  the 
election  of  its  emperors,  and  the  nomination  of  a  king  of 
the  Romans.  The  second,  to  render  the  United  Provinces 
absolutely  independent  of  Spain  ;  and  to  form  them  into 
a  republic,  by  annexing  to  them,  if  necessary,  some  prov- 
inces dismembered  from  Germany.  The  third,  to  do  the 
same  in  regard  to  Switzerland,  by  incorporating  with  it 
some  of  the  adjacent  provinces,  particularly  Alsace  and 
Franche-Comte.  The  fourth,  to  divide  all  Christendom 
into  a  certain  number  of  powers,  as  equal  as  might  be. 
The  fifth,  to  reduce  all  the  various  religions  in  it  under 

similar  propositions  to  the  king  my  master,  and  that  I  have  often  found 
him  disposed  to  adopt  plans  conformable  to  those  your  majesty  has  just 
mentioned  to  me."  This  is  all  the  authority  for  the  passage  in  the  text, 
which,  to  say  nothing  of  its  improbability,  the  compiler  ought  to  have 
seen  was  in  some  degree  contradicted  by  what  goes  before,  where  the 
queen,  at  the  beginning  of  her  conversation,  asks  Sully  if  the  king's 
affairs  were  in  a  better  state  than  in  1598,  and  if  he  were  in  a  condition 
to  begin,  in  good  earnest,  the  great  design  which  she  had  proposed 
ever  since  that  period.  This  certainly  implies  that  Henry  knew  what 
that  great  design  was,  and  that  some  communications  had  been  made 
respecting  it.  —  Ed. 


SULLY'S  CONFERENCE  WITH  JAMES  I  63 

those  three  which  should  appear  to  be  most  numerous  and 
considerable  in  Europe. 

Our  conference  was  very  long  :  I  cannot  bestow  praises 
upon  the  Queen  of  England  that  would  be  equal  to  the 
merit  which  I  discovered  in  her  in  this  short  time,  both  as 
to  the  qualities  of  the  heart  and  the  understanding.  I  gave 
an  exact  relation  of  everything  that  passed  between  us  to 
the  king,  who  very  highly  approved  of  all  she  had  said  to 
me.  Their  majesties  corresponded  by  letter  during  the 
rest  of  the  time  they  stayed  at  Dover  and  Calais.  All  pre- 
liminaries were  agreed  on ;  measures  were  taken  even  on 
the  grand  object  of  the  design,  but  with  such  secrecy,  that 
the  whole  of  this  affair  remained  to  the  death  of  the  king, 
and  even  much  longer,  among  the  number  of  those  on 
which  only  various  and  uncertain  conjectures  were  formed.1 

II 

Conference  between  Sully  and  James  I, 
at  London,  in  16032 

I  embraced  this  opportunity  to  introduce  into  our  con- 
versation some  general  hints  of  a  project,  by  which,  with 
the  assistance  of  his  Britannic  majesty,  the  tranquillity  of 
all  Europe  might  be  secured.  Having  said  this,  I  remained 
silent,  as  though  I  had  been  apprehensive  of  fatiguing  him 
by  too  long  a  discourse  :  but  I  knew  the  curiosity  of  James 
would  be  excited  by  the  little  I  had  said  ;  accordingly,  he 

1  Camden  and  other  writers  of  this  period  seem  not  to  have  known 
of  the  Marquis  of  Rosny's  visit :  the  former  says,  when  the  queen  heard 
that  Henry  was  at  Calais,  she  sent  over  to  him  Sir  Thomas  Edmondes  to 
see  him,  and  congratulate  him  upon  his  health  ;  he  again,  to  acknowledge 
this  courtesy,  sent  to  the  queen  Marshal  Biron,  &c.  —  Ed. 

2  From  the  Fifteenth  Book  of  Sully's  Memoirs. 


64  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

replied  that  my  discourse  had  not  appeared  tedious  to  him, 
but  that  it  would  be  proper  to  know  what  o'clock  it  was. 
He  went  out,  and  asked  some  of  his  courtiers  whom  he 
found  at  the  end  of  the  gallery,  and  they  telling  him  that 
it  was  not  yet  three,  "Well,  Sir,"  said  the  king  to  me, 
returning,  "  I  will  break  off  the  party  for  the  chase  which 
I  had  made  for  this  day,  that  I  may  hear  you  to  the  end, 
and  this  employment  will,  I  am  persuaded,  be  of  more 
service  to  me  than  the  other." 

The  reason  that  induced  me  to  hazard  a  step  of  such 
consequence  as  that  of  communicating  to  King  James  the 
great  designs  upon  Spain  and  all  Europe,  which  had  been 
concerted  between  Henry  and  Elizabeth,  was,  that  being 
persuaded  this  prince  was  already  of  himself  inclined  to 
the  alliance  with  France,  he  only  wanted  to  be  determined 
in  this  resolution  from  some  great  and  noble  motive ;  and 
because,  on  the  other  side,  his  ministers  constantly  brought 
him  back  to  their  manner  of  thinking,  apparently  because 
he  could  not  support  himself  against  them,  from  a  persua- 
sion that  they  opposed  his  sentiments  only  through  igno- 
rance of  them.  However,  this  did  not  prevent  my  taking  the 
following  precaution,  which  I  judged  to  be  very  necessary. 

I  resumed  the  discourse,  and  told  his  majesty  that,  with- 
out doubt,  he  had  sometimes  thought,  and  with  good  rea- 
son, that  a  man  in  possession  of  the  places  and  honours 
with  which  I  was  known  to  be  invested,  never  quitted  his 
post  but  on  very  urgent  occasions  ;  that  this  was  my  case  ; 
that  though  my  commission  was  only  to  require  a  union 
between  France  and  England,  yet,  nevertheless,  from  the 
opinion  I  had  conceived  of  his  genius  and  abilities,  which 
fame  had  not  been  silent  in  reporting,  I  had  resolved,  be- 
fore I  quitted  the  kingdom,  to  discourse  with  his  Britannic 


SULLY'S  CONFERENCE  WITH  JAMES  I  65 

majesty  on  something  infinitely  more  considerable ;  but 
that  what  I  had  to  acquaint  him  with  was  of  such  a 
nature  that  I  could  not  reveal  it  to  him  without  exposing 
myself  to  ruin,  unless  he  would  engage  by  the  most  sol- 
emn oath  to  keep  it  a  secret.  James,  who  listened  to  me 
with  a  profound  attention,  hesitated,  however,  at  taking 
the  oath  which  I  required  ;  and,  to  render  it  unnecessary, 
he  endeavoured  himself  to  discover  what  I  could  have  so 
interesting  to  communicate  to  him.  But  finding  that  my 
answers  to  the  different  questions  which  he  successively 
asked  me  gave  him  not  the  least  intimation  of  the  affair, 
he  satisfied  me  at  last  by  the  most  sacred  and  solemn  of 
all  oaths  :  I  mean  that  of  the  holy  sacrament. 

Though  I  had  now  nothing  to  fear  from  his  indiscre- 
tion, I  however  carefully  weighed  all  my  words ;  and,  be- 
ginning with  an  article  in  which  I  knew  the  King  of 
England  was  most  interested  —  I  mean  religion,  —  I  told 
him,  that,  however  I  might  appear  to  him  engaged  in 
worldly  honours  and  affairs,  and  how  indifferent  soever  he 
might  perhaps  have  supposed  me  to  be  in  matters  of  reli- 
gion, yet  it  was  no  less  certain  that  I  was  attached  to  mine, 
even  so  much  as  to  prefer  it  to  my  family,  fortune,  coun- 
try, and  even  king ;  that  I  had  neglected  nothing  which 
might  incline  the  king  my  master  to  establish  it  in  France 
upon  solid  foundations,  being  under  great  apprehensions 
lest  it  might  one  day  be  overwhelmed  by  so  powerful  a 
faction  as  that  of  a  union  of  the  pope,  the  Emperor,  Spain, 
the  archdukes,  the  Catholic  princes  of  Germany,  and  so 
many  other  states  and  communities  interested  in  its  sup- 
pression ;  that  my  success  hitherto  had  been  tolerable  ; 
but  that,  perhaps,  I  was  indebted  for  it  only  to  junctures 
purely  political,  which  had  engaged  Henry  in  a  party 


66  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

opposed  to  the  house  of  Austria.  That  because  these  cir- 
cumstances might  change,  or  because  I,  who  was  the  only 
person  that  would  use  any  endeavours  to  make  Henry  con- 
tinue firm  in  this  political  plan,  might  lose  my  place  and 
his  favour,  I  did  not  see  how  the  King  of  France  could 
resist  a  party  which  both  his  religion  and  the  example  of 
others  would  call  upon  him  to  embrace.  That  this  consid- 
eration had  long  inspired  me  with  the  thoughts  of  finding 
a  person  for  the  execution  of  this  design,  who,  by  his  rank 
and  power,  would  be  more  proper  than  myself  to  accom- 
plish it,  and  fix  Henry  in  his  sentiments.  That  having 
found  all  that  I  had  sought  for  in  the  prince  to  whom  I 
had  the  honour  of  speaking,  it  had  not  been  difficult  to 
make  my  choice.  In  a  word,  that  it  depended  only  upon 
himself  to  immortalise  his  memory,  and  become  the  arbiter 
of  the  fate  of  Europe,  by  a  design  to  which  he  would  always 
appear  to  have  put  the  finishing  hand,  though  he  might 
not  be  more  concerned  in  the  execution  than  his  most 
Christian  majesty. 

There  remained  only  to  explain  to  James  the  nature  of 
this  design,  of  which,  at  first,  I  gave  nothing  further  than 
a  general  idea,  under  that  of  a  project  for  an  association 
of  all  the  princes  and  states  in  Europe,  whose  interest  it 
was  to  diminish  the  power  of  the  house  of  Austria,  the 
foundation  of  which  should  be  an  offensive  and  defensive 
alliance  between  France,  England,  and  Holland,  cemented 
by  the  closest  union  of  the  two  royal  houses  of  Bourbon 
and  Stuart.  I  represented  this  association  in  a  light  which 
showed  it  might  be  very  easily  formed.  There  was  not  the 
least  difficulty  in  regard  to  Denmark,  Sweden,  in  a  word, 
to  all  the  Protestant  princes  and  states  ;  and  it  might  be 
rendered  sufficiently  advantageous  for  the  Catholic  princes 


SULLY'S   CONFERENCE  WITH  JAMES  I  67 

also  to  induce  them  to  engage  in  it :  for  example,  the  tur- 
bulent and  ambitious  disposition  of  the  Duke  of  Savoy 
might  be  soothed  with  hopes  of  obtaining  the  title  of  king  ; 
and  the  princes  of  Germany,  with  promises  to  distribute 
among  them  those  parts  of  it  which  the  house  of  Austria 
possessed,  as  Bohemia,  Austria,  Hungary,  Moravia,  Sile- 
sia, &c,  and  to  reestablish  their  ancient  privileges  :  even 
the  pope  himself  might  be  gained,  by  granting  him  the 
property  of  those  countries  of  which  he  only  possessed  the 
feodality.  In  regard  to  the  King  of  France,  though  I  en- 
deavoured to  persuade  James  that  hitherto  he  had  had  no 
concern  in  this  project,  which  I  pretended  was  entirely  of 
my  own  forming,  I,  however,  said,  that  when  I  should 
have  communicated  it  to  him,  I  could  safely  engage  he 
would  have  no  thoughts  either  of  retaining  any  conquests 
which  might  be  made,  or  being  recompensed  for  them  ; 
though,  according  to  all  appearances,  the  greatest  part  of 
the  burden  would  fall  upon  him,  as  well  by  the  expenses 
necessary  for  carrying  on  the  enterprise,  as  by  his  own 
personal  services.  I  imagined  it  was  most  proper  to  give 
the  affair  this  turn  in  regard  to  Henry,  that  he  might  not 
be  under  too  absolute  an  obligation. 

The  King  of  England  immediately  started  some  objec- 
tions upon  the  difficulty  of  uniting  so  many  different  princes 
so  differently  disposed  ;  the  same  nearly  which  Henry  had 
made  when  we  had  last  discoursed  upon  it  at  Montglat, 
upon  his  return  from  Metz  :  though,  from  the  slight  sketch 
which  I  had  given  him  of  the  design,  he,  however,  appeared 
highly  to  approve  it,  and  expressed  a  desire  of  being  more 
circumstantially  informed  of  it.  In  conformity  with  this 
desire,  the  following  is  the  substance  of  what  I  said  to  his 
Britannic  majesty. 


68  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

Europe  is  divided  into  two  factions,  which  are  not  so 
justly  distinguished  by  their  different  religions  (because 
the  Catholics  and  Protestants  are  confounded  together  in 
almost  all  places)  as  they  are  by  their  political  interests ; 
the  first  is  composed  of  the  Pope,  the  Emperor,  Spain, 
Spanish  Flanders,  part  of  the  princes  and  towns  of  Ger- 
many and  Switzerland,  Savoy,  the  Catholic  States  of  Italy, 
namely,  Florence,  Ferrara,  Mantua,  Modena,  Parma,  Genoa, 
Lucca,  &c.  Herein  likewise  must  be  comprised  the  Cath- 
olics dispersed  in  other  parts  of  Europe,  at  the  head  of 
which  may  be  placed  the  turbulent  order  of  Jesuits,  whose 
views,  no  doubt,  are  to  subject  everything  to  the  Spanish 
monarchy.  The  second  includes  the  Kings  of  France, 
England,  Scotland,  Ireland,  Denmark,  and  Sweden  ;  the 
Republic  of  Venice,  the  United  Provinces,  and  the  other 
part  of  the  princes  and  towns  of  Germany  and  Switzerland  : 
I  do  not  take  in  Poland,  Prussia,  Livonia,  Muscovy  and 
Transylvania,  though  these  countries  are  subject  to  the 
Christian  religion,  because  the  wars  in  which  they  are  al- 
most continually  engaged  with  the  Turks  and  Tartars, 
render  them  in  some  manner  foreign  in  regard  to  those  of 
the  western  part  of  Europe. 

Were  the  power  to  be  estimated  in  proportion  to  the 
pomp  of  titles,  the  extent  of  territories,  and  the  number  of 
inhabitants,  it  appears,  on  the  slightest  glance,  not  very 
favourable  to  the  second  of  these  factions,  and  the  superi- 
ority would  apparently  be  determined  in  favour  of  the  first ; 
nevertheless,  nothing  is  more  erroneous  than  such  an  opin- 
ion, which  may  thus  be  proved  :  Spain,  which  must  here 
be  named  the  first  of  her  faction  (though  in  rank  and  dig- 
nity she  is  only  the  third),  because  she  is  in  reality  the 
soul  of  it  —  Spain,  I  say,  including  her  dominions  in  the 


SULLY'S  CONFERENCE  WITH  JAMES  I  69 

East  and  West  Indies,  docs  indeed  possess  an  extent  of 
territory  as  large  as  Turkey  and  Persia  together.  But  if  it 
be  true  (and  it  cannot  be  doubted)  that  the  New  World,  in 
recompense  of  its  gold  and  other  riches,  deprives  Spain 
both  of  her  ships  and  inhabitants,  this  immense  extent  of 
territory,  instead  of  being  serviceable,  is  burthensome. 

If  we  consider  the  other  powers  of  this  party,  we  shall 
everywhere  find  reason  to  diminish  our  ordinary  ideas.  The 
pope  seems  firmly  attached  to  Spain  ;  and,  surrounded  as 
he  is  on  all  sides  by  this  formidable  power,  and  having  no 
reason  to  expect  succours  from  any  of  the  other  Catholic 
princes,  it  is,  no  doubt,  his  interest  to  be  so.  But  as  he  does, 
in  fact,  consider  his  situation  as  but  little  different  from  real 
servitude  ;  and  as  he  is  not  ignorant  that  Spain  and  the 
Jesuits  only  make  a  vain  appearance  of  supporting  his 
authority,  it  may,  doubtless,  be  concluded,  he  only  wants 
an  opportunity  to  free  himself  from  the  Spanish  yoke,  and 
that  he  would  readily  embrace  cC  party  which  should  offer 
to  render  him  their  service,  without  running  any  great  risk  ; 
and  Spain  has  in  reality  this  opinion  of  him. 

In  regard  to  the  Emperor,  he  has  nothing  in  common 
with  Spain  except  his  name,  which  seems  only  to  increase 
the  jealousies  and  quarrels  which  so  frequently  arise  be- 
tween these  two  branches  of  the  Austrian  power  :  besides, 
what  is  his  power  ?  It  consists  merely  in  his  title.  Hungary, 
Bohemia,  Austria,  and  other  neighbouring  countries,  are 
little  better  than  empty  names.  Exposed  as  he  is,  on  one 
side,  to  the  incursions  of  the  formidable  armies  of  the  Grand 
Seignior  ;  liable,  on  the  other,  to  see  the  territories  under 
his  dominion  tear  themselves  in  pieces,  by  the  multiplicity 
and  diversity  of  the  religions  which  they  contain  ;  under 
continual  apprehensions,   also,   lest  the  electoral  princes 


JO  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

should  rise  and  make  an  attempt  to  regain  their  ancient 
privileges.  Indeed,  the  Emperor,  at  the  present  day,  all 
things  justly  considered,  might  perhaps  be  classed  among 
the  most  inconsiderable  of  the  European  Powers  :  besides, 
this  Austrian  branch  appears  to  me  so  destitute  of  good 
subjects,  that  if  it  hath  not  soon  a  prince,  either  brave  or 
wise  enough  to  unite  the  different  members  of  which  Ger- 
many is  composed,  it  will  have  everything  to  fear  from  the 
princes  of  its  circles,  whose  only  aim  is  to  procure  the 
restoration  of  their  liberty  in  religion  and  election.  I  do 
not  except  even  the  Elector  of  Saxony,  though  he  appears 
the  more  sincerely  attached  to  the  Emperor,  as  to  him  of 
whom  he  holds  his  principality,  because  it  is  evident  his 
religion  must,  sooner  or  later,  set  him  at  variance  with  his 
benefactor.  But  supposing  the  Emperor  to  receive  all  the 
returns  of  gratitude  which  he  can  expect  from  this  Elector, 
it  will  amount  to  nothing,  or  but  very  little,  so  long  as  he 
shall  be  under  apprehensions  from  the  branch  of  John 
Frederick,  whom  he  has  deprived  of  this  electorate. 

Thus,  from  a  thorough  examination  of  all  particulars,  it 
appears,  that  almost  all  the  powers  on  which  Spain  seems 
to  depend  for  aid,  are  either  but  little  attached  to  her,  or 
capable  of  doing  her  but  little  service.  No  one  is  ignorant 
that  the  general  view  of  the  princes  and  cities  both  of  Ger- 
many and  Switzerland  is  to  deliver  themselves  from  the 
dominion  of  the  Emperor,  and  even  to  aggrandise  them- 
selves at  his  expense.  Nor  has  he  any  greater  dependance 
on  the  ecclesiastical  princes  than  on  the  others.  A  foreign 
emperor  is  what  they  most  wish,  provided  he  is  not  a  Prot- 
estant. Nothing  could  give  the  archdukes,  though  Span- 
iards, a  greater  pleasure  than  a  regulation  by  which  they 
should  become  sovereigns  in   Flanders,   independent  of 


SULLY'S  CONFERENCE  WITH  JAMES  I  7 1 

Spain  ;  weary  at  length  of  being  only  her  servants.  It 
is  the  fear  of  France  alone  that  binds  the  Duke  of  Savoy 
to  the  Spaniards ;  for  he  naturally  hates  them,  and  has 
never  forgiven  the  King  of  Spain  for  doing  so  much  less 
for  the  daughter  which  he  bestowed  upon  him  than  for  her 
younger  sister.  As  to  Italy,  it  need  only  be  observed,  that 
it  will  be  obliged  to  acquiesce  in  the  will  of  the  stronger 
party. 

It  is  therefore  certain,  that  the  second  of  the  factions 
here  described  has  nothing  to  fear,  provided  it  understands 
its  own  interests  well  enough  to  continue  in  a  constant 
state  of  union.  Now  it  is  also  certain,  that  in  this  scheme 
these  so  natural  motives  to  disunion  do  not  occur ;  and 
that  all  of  them,  even  that  caused  by  the  difference  of 
religion,  which  in  some  sort  is  the  only  one,  ought  to 
give  place  to  the  hatred  against  Spain,  which  is  the  great 
and  common  motive  by  which  these  powers  are  animated. 
Where  is  the  prince,  in  the  least  jealous  of  his  glory,  who 
would  refuse  to  enter  into  an  association  strengthened  by 
four  such  powerful  kings  as  those  of  France,  England, 
Sweden,  and  Denmark,  closely  united  ?  It  was  a  saying 
of  Elizabeth,  that  nothing  could  resist  these  four  powers, 
when  in  strict  alliance  with  each  other. 

These  truths  being  admitted,  it  only  remains  to  examine 
by  what  methods  the  house  of  Austria  may  be  reduced  to 
the  monarchy  of  Spain,  and  to  that  monarchy  only.  These 
methods  consist  either  in  artifice  or  force,  and  I  have  two 
for  each  of  them.  The  first  of  the  secret  methods  is,  to 
divest  the  house  of  Austria  of  the  Indies,  Spain  having  no 
more  right  to  prohibit  the  rest  of  the  Europeans  from  an 
intercourse  with  those  countries,  than  she  has  to  destroy 
their  natural  inhabitants ;  and  all  the  nations  of  Europe 


72  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

having  also  a  liberty  to  make  establishments  in  the  newly 
discovered  countries  as  soon  as  they  have  passed  the  line, 
this  enterprise  would  therefore  be  easily  executed,  only  by 
equipping  three  fleets,  each  containing  eight  thousand  men, 
all  provided  and  victualled  for  six  months  :  England  to 
furnish  the  ships,  Flanders  the  artillery  and  ammunition, 
and  France,  as  the  most  powerful,  the  money  and  soldiers. 
There  would  be  no  occasion  for  any  other  agreement  than 
that  the  conquered  countries  should  be  equally  divided. 

During  this,  the  second  of  these  means  should  be  se- 
cretly prepared,  upon  occasion  of  the  succession  to  Cleves, 
and  the  death  of  the  Emperor,  which  cannot  be  far  dis- 
tant, in  such  manner,  that  under  favour  of  the  opportu- 
nities which  these  two  incidents  might  furnish,  reasons 
might  be  found  to  divest  the  house  of  Austria  of  the 
empire,  and  her  other  dependencies  in  Germany,  and 
therein  to  restore  the  ancient  freedom  of  election. 

The  first  of  the  two  open  and  declared  means  is,  in 
conjunction  to  take  up  arms,  and  drive  the  Spaniards  en- 
tirely out  of  Flanders,  in  order  to  erect  this  State  into  a 
free  and  independent  republic,  bearing  only  the  title  of  a 
member  of  the  empire ;  and  this,  when  the  forces  of  the 
allies  are  considered,  will  not  be  found  difficult.  The  Uni- 
ted Provinces,  comprehending  in  them  Liege,  Juliers,  and 
Cleves,  form  a  triangle  :  the  first  side  of  which,  from  Calais 
to  Embden,  is  entirely  towards  the  sea ;  the  second  is 
bounded  by  France,  viz.,  by  Picardy,  as  far  as  the  Somme, 
and  by  the  country  of  Messin  as  far  as  Mezieres  ;  the  third 
extends  from  Metz,  by  Triers,  Cologne,  and  Metz,  as  far 
as  Dusseldorf.  It  is  only  necessary  to  secure  these  three 
sides  in  such  manner  that  they  may  be  inaccessible  to  Spain, 
which  may  be  done  without  difficulty,  England  taking  upon 


SULLY'S  CONFERENCE  WITH  JAMES  I  73 

herself  the  first,  France  the  second,  the  Electors  and  other 
interested  princes  the  third.  All  the  towns  which  should 
happen  to  be  upon  this  line,  except,  perhaps,  Thionville, 
which  might  require  to  be  forced,  would,  upon  a  menace 
to  be  put  under  contribution,  immediately  submit. 

The  second  of  the  last  two  means,  is  for  the  league 
above  mentioned  generally  and  in  concert  to  declare  war 
against  Spain  and  the  whole  house  of  Austria.  What  is 
most  essential  to  observe  in  regard  to  this  war,  is,  that 
France  and  England  should  renounce  all  pretensions  to 
any  share  of  the  conquest,  and  relinquish  them  to  those 
powers  who  were  not  of  themselves  capable  of  giving  um- 
brage to  the  others.  Thus  Franche-Comte,  Alsace,  and  the 
Tyrol,  naturally  fall  to  the  Switzers.  The  Duke  of  Savoy 
ought  to  have  Lombardy,  to  be  erected,  with  his  other  do- 
minions, into  a  kingdom  ;  the  kingdom  of  Naples  falls  to 
the  pope,  as  being  most  convenient  for  him  ;  Sicily  to  the 
Venetians,  with  what  may  be  convenient  for  them  in  I  stria 
and  Friuli.  Thus,  it  appears,  the  most  solid  foundation  of 
this  confederacy  would  arise  from  all  the  parties  being  gain- 
ers by  it.  The  rest  of  Italy,  subject  to  its  petty  princes, 
might  perhaps  be  suffered  to  continue  under  its  present 
form  of  government,  provided  that  these  little  states  were 
altogether  considered  as  composing  only  one  body  or  re- 
public, of  which  they  should  be  so  many  members. 

This  is  a  pretty  just  account  of  the  manner  in  which  I 
acquainted  his  Britannic  majesty  with  the  design  to  which 
I  endeavoured  to  gain  his  approbation.  I  further  added 
whatever  I  thought  might  tend  to  obviate  his  doubts,  and 
confirm  him  in  favour  of  it.  I  confessed  that  I  was  not  my- 
self able  to  elucidate  the  design ;  that  I  was  not  surprised 
that  his  majesty  had  at  first  perceived  great  difficulties 


74  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

in  it;  that  Henry  would,  no  doubt,  find  many  in  it  also, 
but  that  they  only  proceeded  from  my  own  weakness,  and 
the  impossibility  of  showing  clearly  what,  to  be  perfectly 
explained,  required  much  time  and  long  discourses  ;  that 
I  was  convinced  in  my  own  mind  the  design  was  not  only 
possible,  but  that  also  the  success  of  it  was  infallible  ;  that 
if  anything  was  found  defective  in  the  scheme  as  I  had 
conceived  it,  it  might  easily  be  rectified  by  the  genius  and 
abilities  of  four  great  kings,  and  some  of  the  best  generals 
in  Europe,  to  whom  the  execution  of  it  would  be  entrusted. 

I  then  returned  to  the  alliance  between  the  two  Kings 
of  France  and  England,  and  I  told  his  Britannic  majesty 
that  this  alliance  being  the  chief  and  necessary  foundation 
of  the  confederacy  which  I  had  proposed  to  him,  it  must 
therefore  necessarily  begin  it,  without  paying  any  regard 
to  the  discourses  of  prejudiced  persons,  or  being  affected 
by  such  frivolous  considerations  as  those  of  the  debts  of 
France  and  Flanders  to  England.  I  assured  him  that  Eng- 
land had  nothing  to  fear  from  France,  for  that  Henry's  great 
preparations  of  arms  and  ammunition, 'and  his  amassing  such 
vast  sums,  were  only  designed  to  enable  him  hereafter  of 
himself  to  accomplish  the  greatest  part  of  this  important 
design ;  at  least,  that  I  could  flatter  myself  with  success  in 
engaging  him  in  it,  from  motives  of  glory  and  the  public 
service,  which  operated  so  powerfully  upon  the  mind  of 
this  prince.  I  touched  James  in  his  most  sensible  part, 
his  ambition  to  immortalise  his  memory,  and  his  desire 
of  being  brought  into  comparison  with  Henry,  and  of  shar- 
ing his  praises. 

My  earnestness  to  succeed  gave  such  force  and  clear- 
ness to  my  expressions,  that  this  prince,  entering  into 
my  full  meaning,  embraced  me  with  a  kind  of  transport 


SULLY'S  CONFERENCE  WITH  JAMES  I  75 

proceeding  from  his  friendship  for  me,  and  his  indignation 
at  the  evil  councils  which  they  had  hitherto  endeavoured  to 
make  him  follow.  "  No,  Sir,"  said  he,  "do  not  fear  that 
I  shall  ever  fail  in  what  we  have  together  agreed  upon." 
He  protested  with  the  same  ardour,  that  he  would  not,  on 
any  consideration,  have  remained  ignorant  of  what  I  had 
told  him  ;  that  he  would  never  forfeit  the  good  opinion 
which  the  King  of  France  and  I  had  conceived  of  him  ; 
that  he  really  was  what  I  thought  him  ;  that  his  reflections 
upon  what  I  had  said  would  yet  further  confirm  him  in  the 
sentiments  with  which  I  had  inspired  him  ;  that  he  would 
even  now  engage  to  sign  the  plan  of  alliance  which  I  had 
presented  to  him  on  Sunday,  and  wherein  he  had  himself 
made  some  inconsiderable  alterations  ;  that  I  should  also 
sign  it  in  the  name  of  the  King  of  France,  unless  I  rather 
chose  to  carry  it  with  me  unsigned,  to  show  it  to  his  most 
Christian  majesty,  in  which  case  he  gave  me  his  royal  word, 
that,  upon  my  bringing  or  sending  it  back  at  the  end  of  a 
month  or  six  weeks,  approved  and  signed  by  Henry,  he 
would  immediately,  and  without  the  least  difficulty,  join  to 
it  his  own  signature.  He  concluded,  by  obligingly  assuring 
me,  that  for  the  future  he  would  do  nothing  but  in  concert 
with  the  King  of  France.  He  made  me  promise  the  same 
secrecy  in  regard  to  all  persons,  except  the  king  my  master, 
which  I  had  been  so  free  as  to  require  of  him  ;  and  this 
he  extended  so  far,  as  to  forbid  me  ever  putting  upon  paper 
certain  things  which  upon  this  occasion  he  revealed  to  me, 
and  which  I  therefore  suppress. 

Our  conference  had  begun  about  one  o'clock,  and  con- 
tinued upwards  of  four  hours.  The  king  called  in  Admiral 
Howard,  the  Earls  of  Northumberland,  Southampton, 
Mar,  Lord  Mountjoy,  and  Cecil,  and  declared  to  them,  that, 


y6  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

having  deliberately  considered  my  reasons,  he  was  resolved 
to  enter  into  a  close  alliance  with  France  against  Spain.  He 
reproached  Cecil  in  very  strong  terms  for  having,  both  in 
his  words  and  actions,  acted  contrary  to  his  commands  ; 
which  declaration  the  secretary  received  very  awkwardly. 
"  Cecil,"  said  James  to  him,  "  I  command  you  without  any 
reply  or  objection,  in  conformity  to  this  my  design,  to  pre- 
pare the  necessary  writings,  according  to  which,  I  will  then 
give  the  dexter}  and  all  assurances  to  the  ambassadors  of 
the  States."  This  was  the  first  time  he  had  distinguished 
them  by  this  title.  Then  turning  to  me,  and  taking  me  by 
the  hand,  he  said,  "  Well,  Mr.  Ambassador,  are  you  now 
perfectly  satisfied  with  me  ?  "  I  replied  by  a  profound  rev- 
erence, and  by  making  his  majesty  the  same  protestations 
of  fidelity  and  attachment  as  if  it  had  been  to  my  own  king  ; 
and  I  desired  he  would  let  me  confirm  it  to  him  by  kissing 
his  hand.  He  embraced  me,  and  demanded  my  friendship 
with  an  air  of  goodness  and  confidence  which  very  much 
displeased  several  of  his  councillors  who  were  present. 
Upon  my  departure,  he  gave  orders  to  the  Earl  of  Nor- 
thumberland to  accompany  me  to  the  Thames,  and  to 
Sydney  to  escort  me  to  London. 

1  This  expression  signifies  an  oath,  or  promise  of  alliance,  made  by 
presenting  the  right  hand. 


THE   UNITED   STATES   OF  EUROPE 
By  Edward  Everett  Hale1 

In  the  midst  of  war,  this  phrase  begins  to  assume  its 
importance  as  the  promise  of  peace.  It  embodies  the 
policy  which  the  Republican  leaders  of  Europe  propose. 
More  than  this,  although  most  of  the  Republics  of  Europe 
are  yet  to  be  born,  still  the  phrase  "  The  United  States 
of  Europe  "  begins  to  be  spoken  among  princes  and  in 
their  cabinets.  For  three  hundred  years,  at  the  very  least, 
every  war  in  Europe,  and  every  treaty,  has  prepared  the 
way  for  such  a  union.  For  the  last  five  and  fifty  years, 
the  advance  has  been  more  rapid  and  sure. 

It  is  very  true,  that,  as  the  proposal  for  such  a  union  has 
been  discussed  in  the  literature  of  Europe,  as  in  the  essays 
of  St.  Pierre,  Rousseau,  Emmanuel  Kant,  Bentham,  or  de 
Maistre,  the  burden  of  proof  has  been  always  against  it. 
Men  speak  of  it  now,  whenever  it  turns  up,  as  if  it  were  a 
part  of  the  dreamer's  store  of  visions,  belonging  with  Ovid's 
Golden  Age,  or  with  the  fabled  knights  of  the  Round 
Table  ;  and,  as  the  world  goes,  to  say  that  we  shall  have 
The  United  States  of  Europe  only  when  all  princes  are 
as  pure  as  King  Arthur,  all  ladies  as  lovely  as  the  peer- 
less Oriana,  all  knights  as  brave  as  Amadis,  is  to  put  it 
off  indefinitely  to  the  perfect  world.  But  it  happens,  very 
fortunately,  that  over  a  part  of  another  continent,  which 

1  This  paper  upon  "  The  Great  Design,"  by  Dr.  Hale,  first  appeared 
in  his  magazine,  Old  and  New,  March,  1871. 

77 


78  THE  GREAT   DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

is,  for  practical  purposes,  larger  than  Europe,  this  system, 
which  it  is  so  easy  to  call  a  dream,  is  already  extended. 
It  happens  that  the  transitory  vision  has  lasted  as  a  sober 
reality  in  America  for  eighty  years.  It  happens,  that,  in 
that  eighty  years,  it  has  twice  met  the  shock  of  foreign 
war,  and  come  out  only  the  stronger  for  the  conflict ;  nay, 
in  the  course  of  that  eighty  years,  The  United  States  of 
America  has  been  threatened  once  by  terrible  internal  con- 
vulsion. The  question  was  then  brought  to  the  test  of 
arms,  whether,  as  Mr.  Lincoln  says,  "  A  system  light  and 
easy  enough  for  the  freedom  of  the  people,  must  of  neces- 
sity be  too  weak  for  its  own  preservation."  And,  in  that 
terrible  test,  The  United  States  of  America  stood  the  rack 
and  the  convulsion.  After  that  terrible  test,  The  United 
States  of  America  was  stronger  than  ever ;  and  it  seemed 
more  certain  that  it  would  abide  for  another  century  the 
greatest  Peace  Society  that  the  sun  ever  looked  down  upon. 
The  real  question,  then,  for  Europe  at  this  hour  is, 
whether  there  is  any  fatality  in  that  continent  which  pre- 
vents such  a  union  among  her  sixteen  States,  as  has  proved 
possible,  though  not  easy,  among  seven  and  thirty  States 
in  America.  History  has  changed  the  Saxon  Heptarchy 
of  seven  kingdoms  into  one  England.  History  has  united 
that  England  with  Wales.  History  has  knit  England, 
Scotland,  and  Ireland  into  The  United  Empire  of  Great 
Britain.  History  has  knit  all  the  Russias  into  the  Empire 
of  Russia.  History  has  united  Normandy,  Brittany,  France, 
Navarre,  Lorraine,  and  Alsace  into  the  Empire  of  France. 
History  has  united  Arragon,  Leon,  and  Castile  into  the 
Kingdom  of  Spain.  History  has  woven  a  dozen  States  of 
yesterday  into  the  Kingdom  of  Italy  of  to-day.  Even  in 
the  last  summer  and  autumn,  history  has  transformed  the 


THE  UNITED  STATES   OF  EUROPE  79 

confederation  of  Northern  Germany  into  a  union  close  and 
sure.  The  question  for  Europe  is,  whether  this  is  all  ?  Must 
the  process  stop  here  ?  Is  there  any  reason  why  America 
should  be  the  only  continent  for  permanent  peace  ?  Is  Eu- 
rope to  be  given  over  to  permanent  war  ?  Or  may  Europe, 
in  the  future,  learn  its  great  lesson  from  this  side  of  the 
water,  and  The  United  States  of  America  point  the  funda- 
mental system  for  The  United  States  of  Europe  ? 

The  public  writers  of  Europe,  when  they  look  across 
the  ocean,  are  wholly  deceived  even  by  our  great  success. 
They  write  and  speak  as  if  mutual  peace  were  of  course 
here,  as  if  we  had  been  always  one  nation.  They  forget 
that  the  Spaniard  in  Florida  and  the  Englishman  in  Georgia 
hated  each  other  and  fought  each  other  as  cordially  as  ever 
Queen  Elizabeth  hated  King  Philip  of  Spain,  till  the  United 
States  of  America  compelled  Georgia  and  Florida  to  be 
as  one.  Such  writers  forget  that  between  Louisiana  and 
Kentucky  there  was  as  little  natural  love  as  between  the 
France  whose  children  were  in  Louisiana,  and  the  Eng- 
land whose  children  were  in  Kentucky.  They  do  not 
choose  to  remember  that  the  Catholic  who  planted  Mary- 
land, and  the  Puritan  who  planted  Massachusetts,  had  just 
the  same  causes  for  mutual  hatred  as  had  the  Catholic 
and  Roundhead  in  Ireland,  who  fought  there  in  the  days 
of  Cromwell. 

The  truth  is,  that,  at  the  period  when  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States  was  formed,  there  was  not  one  of  the 
old  thirteen  States  but  had  serious  questions  of  contro- 
versy with  its  neighbors.  Massachusetts  had  by  charter  a 
right  to  a  strip  of  country  as  wide  as  Massachusetts,  run- 
ning to  the  Pacific  Ocean.  The  State  of  Connecticut  had 
rights  similar,  though  not  so  large.    Each  of  those  States 


80  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

had  a  controversy  with  each  other,  both  of  them  with  New 
York,  and  all  of  them  with  Virginia.  These  are  only  illus- 
trations of  open  questions,  just  like  the  questions  which 
once  and  again  deluge  Europe  with  blood.  What  settled 
these  questions  ?  Nothing  in  the  nature  of  things.  They 
were  settled  simply  and  only  by  the  establishment  of  the 
nation  —  one  out  of  many  —  which  we  call  "The  United 
States  of  America." 

And,  unless  all  coming  history  is  to  be  the  record  of 
blood,  a  lesson  is  in  that  history  which  is  to  be  learned 
and  wrought  out  in  practice  in  the  establishment  of  The 
United  States  of  Europe.  The  experiment  has  been  tried 
here  under  some  signal  advantages  ;  but,  meanwhile,  the 
preparations  for  a  like  experiment  have  been  going  for- 
ward there.  It  is  nearly  three  centuries  since  the  diplo- 
macy of  Europe  began  to  meditate  upon  the  plan.  The 
accomplishment  of  that  plan  is  easier  than  ever  now  that 
these  three  centuries  have  worked  towards  its  fulfilment. 

It  seems  worth  while,  just  now,  to  examine  the  history 
of  that  diplomacy  ;  because  it  seems  possible  that  this 
country,  with  an  example  so  admirable,  of  peace  secured 
in  face  of  every  difficulty,  may  at  this  moment  speak  the 
word  of  the  great  pacification  :  "  Let  us  have  peace."  The 
most  sublime  expression  that  has  yet  fallen  from  the  lips 
of  the  taciturn  president  is  the  great  word  which  United 
America  has  a  right  to  speak  to  disunited  Europe.  I  do 
not  know  whether,  at  this  moment,  there  are  any  states- 
men in  the  world.  If  there  are,  is  not  this  very  moment 
of  war,  of  defeat  of  the  proud,  and  victory  of  the  prudent, 
the  very  moment  to  bring  forward  again  the  hope  which 
two  centuries  and  a  half  ago  seemed  so  near  accomplish- 
ment ?    Has  not  the  time  come  for  a  power  so  strong  as 


THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  EUROPE  8 1 

ours  to  speak  in  the  interests  of  permanent  peace  in 
Christendom  ?  Has  not  the  time  come  for  us  all  to  be 
ready  to  say  the  right  word,  and  to  do  the  right  thing, 
when  the  great  man  of  to-day,  whoever  he  may  prove  to 
be,  speaks  the  great  word,  which  the  greatest  king  of 
France  spoke  before  this  country  was  born  ?  Has  there 
ever  been  a  moment  when  all  true  men  could  act  together, 
as  in  this  sea  of  troubles  they  might  act  to  establish  The 
United  States  of  Europe  ?  And  if  the  great  man  of  Europe, 
whoever  he  may  be,  speaks  that  great  word,  and  lays  the 
plans  for  that  great  harmony,  may  not  this  land  of  ours, 
which  has  given  the  great  example,  do  more  than  any  land 
to  make  real  the  sublime  idea  ?  Our  statesmanship,  our 
policy,  our  international  science,  — they  have  no  object  at 
this  moment  so  noble,  nay,  they  have  none  so  real,  as  the 
advance,  by  one  of  the  great  strides  of  history,  of  a  per- 
manent peace  among  the  States  of  Christendom. 

With  this  conviction,  I  ask  the  reader's  attention  to  the 
first  appearance  in  diplomacy  of  this  "  Great  Design." 


Henry  of  Navarre,  the  first  sovereign  of  his  time  as 
he  was  its  first  soldier,  had  been  born  almost  in  poverty, 
and  had  been  trained  in  misfortune.  It  would  be  fair  to 
say  almost  that  he  had  been  nursed  on  the  battle-field. 
Protestants  have  looked  askance  on  him,  because  he  per- 
mitted himself  to  be  received  in  form  into  the  Roman 
Church  ;  but  probably  the  severest  critic  will  admit  that 
Henry,  in  this  apostacy,  if  it  were  such,  acted  with  the 
noblest  motive,  in  the  hope,  which  was  well  founded,  of 
securing  France  from  civil  war.  This  is  certain,  that  he 
earned  the  eager  love  of  his  Protestant  followers,  and  the 
complete  respect  of  his  Catholic  subjects.    Through  the 


82  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

poverty,  persecution,  bloodshed,  and  struggle  of  youth,  he 
wrought  his  way  at  last  to  the  united  throne  of  France 
and  Navarre,  and  founded  that  dynasty  which  came  to  its 
end  in  1830. 

His  friend  and  minister,  de  Rosny,  afterwards  Duke  of 
Sully,  has  left  us  in  his  memoirs  better  material  for  the 
real  life  of  this  great  sovereign  than  we  often  have  for 
such  history.  Once  and  again  in  those  memoirs  is  allusion 
made  to  the  king's  "ten  wishes."  Some  of  them  were  such 
as  any  man  may  share.    Some  were  peculiar  to  kings. 

The  first  wish  of  the  king  is  for  divine  grace,  and  the 
safety  of  his  soul. 

The  second  is,  that  his  Protestant  subjects  may  live  in 
peace. 

The  third,  that  France  may  hold  her  own  against  all 
enemies ;  and 

The  fourth,  alas !  that  he  may  be  rid  of  his  wife  forever. 

One  of  the  ten  wishes  is,  that  he  may  win  a  battle  in 
person  over  the  King  of  Spain  in  person.  And  so  they 
vary,  now  personal  and  now  political,  till  nine  of  the  ten 
are  named.  These  nine,  it  seems,  were  well  known  at 
court,  —  matters,  perhaps,  of  conversation  and  amuse- 
ment there.  The  king  had  ten  wishes,  and  the  courtiers 
knew  nine  of  them.  The  tenth  was  more  secret ;  he  only 
spoke  of  it  with  statesmen  and  his  wisest  counsellors.  The 
tenth  wish  was  always  spoken  of  as  "  The  Great  Design  ;  " 
and  it  would  seem  that  unless  one  were  well  trained  in 
the  secrets  of  diplomacy  in  those  days  one  knew  nothing 
more  of  it. 

This  tenth  wish  of  the  soldier-king,  this  great  design, 
which  was  to  crown  all  his  laurels  with  a  new  wreath  of 
glory,  was  his  design  for  The  United  States  of  Europe. 


THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  EUROPE  83. 

It  is  convenient  now  to  speak  of  such  a  project  as  a 
dream  ;  but,  as  we  have  seen,  it  is  a  dream  which  has 
proved  a  living  reality  here  in  America.  And  when  in 
America  even  ten  States  rebelled,  which  had  been  per- 
mitted to  nurse  one  institution  false  to  every  principle  of 
a  Republic,  when  they  tried  the  strength  of  the  dream, 
they  found  that  the  Christian  commonwealth  was  what  it 
was  said  to  be  eighteen  centuries  ago ;  they  found  it  was 
strong  with  the  strength  of  a  divine  builder ;  they  found 
it  was  reared  upon  the  Rock  of  Ages.  "  Whosoever  shall 
fall  on  that  stone  shall  be  broken  ;  on  whomsoever  it  shall 
fall,  it  shall  grind  him  to  powder."  They  tried  the  experi- 
ment ;  and  now  they  know  the  meaning  of  the  prophecy. 
It  is  convenient  for  people  who  distrust  God's  power  and 
Christ's  kingdom  to  look  on  such  a  project  as  a  dream  ; 
but  that  is  not  the  way  it  was  considered  when  it  was  last 
brought  forward,  when  the  condition  of  Europe  seemed 
ripe  for  it,  and  it  needed  only,  one  would  say,  two  or  three 
great  men  to  carry  it  through.  Are  there  possibly  two  or 
three  such  men  at  the  helm  of  affairs  in  America  or  in 
Europe  now  ? 

It  was  a  little  before  the  first  planting  of  Virginia, 
nearly  twenty  years  before  the  landing  at  Plymouth,  that 
Henry,  acting  in  concert  with  Queen  Elizabeth  in  her  old 
age,  conceived  this  plan  of  what  he  called  the  Christian 
commonwealth,  to  be  formed  among  the  powers  of  Europe. 
No  man  called  this  a  dream  then,  when  such  a  soldier  as 
Henry  agreed  to  it,  and  such  statesmen  as  Sully  and  Cecil 
planned  for  it.  The  death  of  Elizabeth,  and  the  elevation 
of  a  fool  to  the  throne  of  England,  was  its  first  misfor- 
tune. But  Henry  IV.  was  not  born  to  be  crossed  by  fools  ; 
and  to  the  moment  of  rTis  murder,  in  16 10,  he  persevered. 


84  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

The  diplomacy  of  France  and  of  Northern  Europe  for 
more  than  ten  years  seconded  his  endeavors.  His  plan  in 
brief  was  this,  to  reduce  the  number  of  European  States, 
much  as  the  Congress  of  Vienna  eventually  did  two  hun- 
dred years  afterwards,  or  so  that  all  Europe  should  be 
divided  among  fifteen  powers.  Russia  did  not  then  count 
as  part  of  Europe  ;  and  Prussia  was  not  then  born.  Of 
these  powers,  six  were  trie  kingdoms  of  England,  France, 
Spain,  Denmark,  Sweden,  and  Lombardy.  Five  were  to 
be  elective  monarchies,  viz.,  The  German  Empire,  The 
Papacy,  Poland,  Hungary,  and  Bohemia;  and  there  were 
to  be  four  Republics,  —  Switzerland,  Venice,  The  States 
of  Holland  and  Belgium,  and  The  Republic  of  'Italy,  made 
up  somewhat  as  the  kingdom  of  Italy  is  now.  These  fif- 
teen powers  were  to  maintain  but  one  standing  army.  The 
chief  business  of  this  army  was  to  keep  the  peace  among 
the  States,  and  to  prevent  any  sovereign  from  interfering 
with  any  other,  from  enlarging  his  borders,  or  other  usur- 
pations. This  army  and  the  navy  were  also  to  be  ready  to 
repel  invasions  of  Mussulmans  and  other  barbarians.  For 
the  arrangement  of  commerce,  and  other  mutual  interests, 
a  Senate  was  to  be  appointed  of  four  members  from  each 
of  the  larger,  and  two  from  each,  of  the  smaller  States, 
who  should  serve  three  years,  and  be  in  constant  session. 
It  was  supposed,  that,  for  affairs  local  in  their  character, 
a  part  of  these  senators  might  meet  separately  from  the 
others.  On  occasions  of  universal  importance,  they  would 
meet  together.  Smaller  Congresses,  for  more  trivial  cir- 
cumstances, were  also  provided  for. 

The  plan  contemplated  a  grand  army  of  Europe,  of 
320,000  men,  and  a  navy  of  120  vessels,  to  be  provided 
in  quotas  agreed  upon  by  the  respective  members  of  the 


THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  EUROPE  85 

association  ;  and,  from  the  beginning,  the  members  of 
the  association  announced  that  no  secession  was  to  be 
possible  or  to  be  permitted. 

With  generosity  such  as  few  princes  have  shown,  Henry 
proposed  that  the  executive  which  should  carry  out  the 
decisions  of  the  senate  should  be  the  elected  emperor  of 
Germany,  for  the  time.  This  was  probably  the  weakest 
part  of  the  plan,  the  point  to  be  secured,  being,  of  course, 
then  or  now,  the  most  difficult.  But,  as  the  Emperor  was 
chosen  in  an  assembly  in  which  so  many  of  the  several 
powers  had  a  voice,  this  seemed  the  simplest  adjustment. 

What  gave  the  practical  character,  in  its  very  outset,  to  a 
scheme  so  bold,  was  the  absolute  disclaimer,  both  on  Henry's 
part  and  Elizabeth's,  of  any  desire  to  increase  their  own  ter- 
ritories or  power.  Henry  satisfied  even  the  jealousy  of  the 
pope  in  this  regard ;  and  so  loyal  was  he  in  his  diplomacy, 
always  looking  forward  with  this  "  Great  Design,"  that,  ac- 
cording to  Sully,  at  the  moment  of  Henry's  murder,  he  had 
secured  the  practical  active  co-operation  of  twelve  of  the 
fifteen  powers,  who  were^tojinite  in  this  confederation.  They 
had  avouched  this  co-ol  wba  by  raising  their  contingents 
for  the  army,  by  which  tn?y5)roposed  to  crush  the  preten- 
sions of  the  house  of  AustrMand  the  king  of  Spain.  The 
co-operation  of  Switzerland  also  would  be  secured  at  any 
moment  it  was  wanted  :  so  th^arally  Austria  and  Spain  had 
at  that  moment  all  Europe  I  lis  against  them ;  and  the 
leader  of  all  Europe  was  this  cmvalrous  Henry,  in  whom  the 
pope  had  confidence,  and  with  whom  the  Protestants  were 
all  allied,  —  Protestant  at  heart,  Catholic  in  ritual,  a  man 
possessed  with  this  great  design,  still  in  the  very  prime  of 
life,  in  command  of  an  admirable  army,  with  a  treasury  full, 
a  people  prosperous,  himself  the  first  real,  soldier  of  his  time. 


86  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

No  man  said  that  "the  Great  Design"  was  a  dream 
then! 

It  is  easy  to  see  that  the  central  wish  which  bound  these 
powers  together  was  the  wish  to  humble  Austria.  Under 
Charles  the  Fifth,  Austria  and  Spain,  with  all  the  new 
wealth  of  the  Indias  at  their  command,  had  domineered 
over  all  Europe.  Philip  the  Second  would  have  been  glad 
to  do  the  same  thing.  The  great  design  of  Henry  offered, 
therefore,  to  the  various  powers  this  immediate  prize,  that 
they  would  humble  the  emperor  of  Austria,  and  tie  his 
hands.  This  was  just  as  the  great  alliance  of  the  nations 
of  Europe  against  the  first  Napoleon  was  animated  by  a 
determination  to  humble  him,  and  the  power  of  France. 
But,  beyond  this  immediate  purpose,  Henry  and  Elizabeth 
and  the  king  of  Sweden  looked  to  such  a  control  by  the 
allied  powers  that  no  single  sovereign  should  so  claim  the 
lion's  share  again.  The  Great  Design  looked  beyond  the 
immediate  purpose  to  the  permanent  peace  of  Europe. 

The  very  jealousy  with  which  Austria  was  regarded  was 
the  strong  support  of  Henry's  diplomacy.  He  was  enough 
of  a  Catholic  to  obtain  even  the  pope's  secret  support  in 
his  negotiations.  The  scheme,  therefore,  had  the  advan- 
tage which  such  a  scheme  could  hardly  have  had  from 
that  time  to  this,  that  it  was  not  a  mere  sectarian  alliance 
of  Protestant  against  Papist.  It  proposed  a  combination 
of  Catholic  Italy  and  Catholic  France  with  Protestant  Eng- 
land and  Protestant  Sweden  and  Germany.  This  was  its 
element  of  strength. 

Its  weakness  was,  that,  before  it  could  even  be  set  in 
motion,  the  separate  States  of  Europe  had  to  be  re-organ- 
ized within.  Thus  the  Republic  of  Belgium  was  to  be 
created ;  the  Kingdom  of  Lombardy  was  to  be  created  ; 


THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  EUROPE  87 

the  Republic  of  Italy  was  to  be  created  ;  and  so  on  :  and 
every  petty  prince,  who,  in  this  process,  had  been  turned 
out  of  the  crumbling  owl-hole  which  he  called  a  palace, 
would  be  grunting  and  scolding,  and  doing  his  little  best 
to  stop  the  progress  of  the  Great  Design.  Nay,  every  scul- 
lion that  washed  the  dishes  in  the  courts  of  such  a  poten- 
tate, and  every  beggar-boy  that  screamed  at  his  horse's 
tail,  would  consider  that  their  perquisites  and  honors  were 
stolen  from  them.  The  Great  Design  was  encumbered 
from  the  beginning  with  such  difficulty  of  detail. 

But  it  was  not  left,  alas  !  to  any  fair  test  of  its  allies  or 
of  its  enemies.  Just  as  Henry  was  maturing  his  last  prepa- 
rations for  that  great  campaign,  in  which,  at  the  head  of 
united  Europe,  he  would  offer  Austria  peace  and  the 
Great  Design,  or  war  against  all  the  world  beside,  another 
issue  came.  Henry  entered  his  lumbering  carriage  of  state, 
to  make  Sully  a  last  visit  at  the  arsenal.  They  turned 
from  the  Louvre  into  one  of  the  narrow  streets  of  Paris, 
when  some  obstacle  stopped  the  progress.  At  the  moment, 
a  very  tall  man,  in  a  cloak,  muffled  heavily,  and  with  a 
broad-brimmed  hat  over  his  eyes,  stepped  upon  the  wheel 
of  the  coach,  dashed  his  arm  into  the  window,  and  struck 
the  king  with  a  knife  ;  to  make  certain,  he  drew  back  the 
knife,  and  struck  again  at  the  heart,  —  the  most  loving 
and  gallant  heart  in  all  Christendom  :  and  the  king  fell 
dead.  With  that  blow,  the  Great  Design  died.  It  was  to 
have  made  real,  perhaps  for  centuries,  the  dying  prayer 
of  Ihe  Saviour  of  the  world,  that  "  they  all  may  be  one  ;  " 
and,  at  the  blow  of  a  crazed  fanatic,  this  hope  vanished 
for  well  nigh  three  centuries. 

How  like  another  stroke  by  another  fanatic,  which 
stopped  the  beating  of  the  most  loving  heart  in  America, 


88  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

at  the  moment  when  that  heart  was  seeking  the  pacifica- 
tion of  our  warring  States,  full  of  kind  wishes  and  kind 
hopes  for  all ! 

That  scrap  from  the  history  of  courts  is  a  proper  illus- 
tration of  the  duties,  the  hopes,  and  the  fjrayers  of  the 
citizens  of  this  Republic.  It  is  one  of  the  few  illustrations 
in  history  where  the  kings  of  the  world  have  distinctly 
chosen  peace,  permanent  peace,  as  the  great  object  of 
policy.  Such  is  not  the  habit  of  kings.  No  :  but  it  should 
be  the  habit  of  peoples ;  it  should  be  the  habit  of  repub- 
lics. The  diplomacy  of  a  Republic,  because  it  is  a  Re- 
public should  look  to  the  strengthening  and  maintaining 
peace  among  the  nations  of  mankind. 

We  are  constantly  misled  in  this  matter,  because  we 
go  to  school,  and  study  the  histories  of  mere  families,  — 
of  Bourbons,  of  Tudors,  of  Hapsburgs,  —  and  their  wars. 
We  get  excited  over  these  wars.  Unconsciously,  we  come 
to  think  that  there  is  no  great  nation  but  a  nation  which 
is  great  in  war.  We  might  as  rightly  wish  to  have  our 
nation  great  in  earthquakes,  or  great  in  pestilences,  or 
great  in  conflagrations.  To  do  our  duty  in  war  when  it 
comes,  that  is  one  thing ;  to  enjoy  war,  or  to  seek  it,  that 
is  another.  The  great  soldiers  have  always  been  great  paci- 
ficators. The  great  Napoleon  is  no  exception.  But  we 
are  deceived  by  the  books.  Because  an  old  feudal  nation 
followed  war,  and  has  war  written  all  over  its  history,  we 
take  a  notion  that  we,  though  we  are  not  a  feudal  nation, 
must  repeat  that  history.  On  the  other  hand,  the  whole 
being  and  nature  of  our  nation  is  different.  This  Repub- 
lic exists  simply  that  so  many  men  and  women  may  have 
happy  homes.    That  is  what  it  is  for.    It  is  not  for  the 


THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  EUROPE  89 

extension  of  any  boundary,  it  is  not  for  the  propagation 
of  any  theory,  it  is  not  for  the  glory  of  any  leader,  that 
our  States  are  founded,  or  our  Union  set  in  order.  No  : 
it  is  that  forty  million  men  and  women  may  live  in  happy 
homes.  George  Frisbie  Hoar  said  the  other  day,  that  the 
business  of  the  people  of  this  country  is  to  see  that  "  no 
more  history  is  written."  He  alluded  to  Montesquieu's 
maxim,  that  that  people  is  happy  whose  history  is  not  writ- 
ten. Well,  that  is  our  duty.  To  keep  outside  of  the  sensation 
life,  —  the  poor  life  of  the  scene-shifter  in  the  melo-drama, 
which  makes  up  the  common  record  of  the  vulgar  histories. 
It  is  our  duty  to  cultivate  and  to  illustrate  those  relations  of 
peace  in  which,  and  in  which  only,  come  in  the  true  pros- 
perity of  nations. 

As  it  happens,  this  great  necessity  of  keeping  the  peace 
at  home  has  cost  us  one  great  civil  war.  Very  fortunately 
for  us,  that  great  duty  of  ruling  out  of  our  own  affairs, 
once  for  all,  the  one  relic  of  feudalism  we  found  here,  has 
shown  to  the  world  that  there  is  no  such  military  strength, 
where  strength  is  needed,  as  the  strength  in  arms  of  a 
free  people.  That  has  been  happily  proved  for  a  century. 
That  being  known,  our  policy  is,  and  our  duty  is,  to  watch 
this  blessed  moment  which,  after  three  centuries,  may  be 
sweeping  round  even  now  upon  the  dial,  for  securing  the 
permanent  peace  of  Christendom.  It  sometimes  seems  as 
if,  in  statesmanship,  we  were  living  on  the  reputation  of 
the  fathers ;  but,  whenever  we  shall  have  a  statesman  at  the 
front  worthy  of  that  name,  he  will  actively,  and  with  steady 
system,  carry  forward  plans  which  look  to  a  pacification 
of  Europe,  as  sure  and  as  well-founded  as  the  pacification 
which  the  fathers  wrought  out  for  America.  The  plans 
of  Henry  are  already  half  carried  through.    The  jarring 


90  THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV 

duchies  and  electorates  and  principalities  of  Europe  are 
already  reduced  to  a  lesser  number  than  he  proposed; 
and  in  the  present  position  of  the  pope,  in  the  union  of 
Italy,  in  the  very  weakness  of  France,  in  the  asserted 
strength  of  Germany,  in  the  anxiety  of  Austria,  in  the 
.change  of  dynasty  of  Spain,  in  the  new  institutions  of 
Russia,  and  in  the  overthrow  of  landed  rights  of  England, 
the  moment  has  come  which  some  great  man  will  certainly 
choose  for  trying  to  work  out  the  other  half  of  Henry's 
problem,  —  for  establishing  The  United  States  of  Europe. 

If  we  have  any  statesmen,  and  if  we  have  any  diplomacy, 
the  men  will  guide  the  policy  toward  the  solution  of  this 
problem. 

Does  any  man  say  that  we  have  a  quarrel  of  our  own 
with  England  to  be  adjusted  first  ?  This  is  not.  so,  as  we 
have  said  before.  There  was  an  England  with  which  we 
had  a  quarrel ;  but  not  with  this  England,  not  with  the 
England  of  to-day.  There  was  an  England  once,  the  Eng- 
land of  the  Tudors  and  Stuarts,  the  England  of  George 
the  Third,  of  Bute  and  North  and  Grenville,  with  which 
our  fathers  had  a  quarrel.  That  England  still  survived  in 
its  dotage  nine  years  ago;  and  some  dregs  of  that  quarrel 
were  ours  then.  But  five  years  past  have  wrought  a  revo- 
lution. That  old  England  has  been  swept  away  as  thor- 
oughly as  old  Virginia  is  swept  away,  and  ought  to  be 
forgotten  as  Jefferson  Davis  is  forgotten.  The  government 
of  England  has  been  taken  from  the  land-holders  of  Eng- 
land, and  given  to  the  people  of  England.  The  feudal 
aristocracy  has  been  bidden  to  take  its  place.  The  working- 
men  of  England  have  stepped  to  the  front  to  take  theirs. 
They  are  willing  to  pay  us  what  they  owe  us.  Let  them 
pay  us.    They  are  willing  to  give  us  security  for  the  future. 


THE  UNITED  STATES  ;OF  EUROPE  91 

Let  them  give  it ;  and  then,  while  they  wage  their  war  in 
England  with  what  are  left  of  the  old  Warwicks  and 
Stuarts,  barons  and  cavaliers,  and  all  such  standard-bear- 
ers of  the  past,  let  our  statesmen  see  to  it  that  we  are  the 
friends  of  the  free  institutions  of  the  new-born  England. 
We  must  not  trip  the  feet  and  hold  the  hands  of  our  own 
allies,  —  of  such  men  as  John  Bright  and  Thomas  Hughes 
and  the  working-men  of  Lancashire,  —  who  never  once 
failed  in  their  loyalty  to  truth  and  freedom. 

This  Republic  is  founded  for  the  happiness  of  home. 
When  once  that  truth  can  be  understood,  both  by  noisy 
politicians  and  by  quiet  statesmen,  the  great  victory  of 
truth  will  be  nearly  won.  Not  for  the  record  of  slaughter, 
but  for  the  happiness  of  unmolested  homes  ;  for  this  the 
true  statesman  resolves,  as  the  true  Christian  prays.  And 
this  nation  works  out  its  destiny,  and  its  public  officers 
achieve  their  own  true  honor,  as  its  word  is  spoken  in  the 
great  plea  for  the  Christian  commonwealth.  At  the  present 
moment,  the  next  step  in  the  advance  towards  it  is  the  up- 
building of  The  United  States  of  Europe. 

The  United  States  of  Europe  and  the  United  States  of 
America  would  not  quarrel ;  and  they  would  hold  the  power 
of  the  world  in  their  hands.  The  international  policy  of 
the  world  would  be  developed  as  in  the  vision 

"Where  the  war-drums  throbbed  no  longer,  and 

the  battle-flags  were  furled 
In  the  parliament  of  man,  the  federation  of  the 

world : 
There  the  common  sense  of  most  shall  hold  a 

fretful  realm  in  awe; 
And  the  kindly  earth  shall  slumber,  lapped  in 

universal  law. 


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